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January 2, 2015

משה װאַינבערג

Моисей Самуилович Вайнбер
Light in the Dark

The Music of
Mieczyslaw Vainberg

When the history of 20th-century music is written in the next several hundred years, will it bear much resemblance to how we think of it now? My encounter with the works of Mieczyslaw Vainberg (1919-1996) makes me doubt that it will. So much music has been ignored or suppressed for aesthetic or political reasons during the 20th century that it will take some time for it to surface and receive a fair hearing. Enterprising record companies, such as Olympia, are in the vanguard of excavating our recent past, and their efforts are already shifting the perspective from which 20th-century music will be judged.

In an extraordinary feat of dedication, Olympia has released 16 CDs of Vainberg’s music. These discs, many of them Soviet-era recordings of live premiere performances, give a substantial representation of Vainberg’s enormous output. Vainberg composed 26 symphonies; seven concertos; 17 string quartets; 28 sonatas for various instruments; seven operas; several ballets; incidental music for 65 films; and many other works, including a Requiem.

One would think the sheer size of his output would command attention. Yet Vainberg is absent from every 20th-century musical reference work I have checked and receives a paltry two paragraphs in The New Grove Dictionary (under Vaynberg). What deepens the mystery of this neglect is that a number of his works are masterpieces that belong in any evaluation of 20th-century music. Thanks to Olympia, and a few other labels, a reevaluation can now begin.

The story of Vainberg’s neglect is a history of the 20th century at its worst, encompassing both the Nazi and Soviet tyrannies. Vainberg was born in Warsaw, where his father worked as a composer and violinist in a travelling Jewish theater. Vainberg made his debut as a pianist at the age of ten. Two years later, he became a pupil at the Warsaw Conservatory. In 1941, his entire family was burned alive by the Nazis. As a refugee, Vainberg fled first to Minsk and then, in advance of the invading Nazi armies, to Tashkent. In 1943, he sent the score of his First Symphony to Shostakovich, who was so impressed that he arranged for Vainberg to be officially invited to Moscow. For the rest of his life, Vainberg remained in Moscow, working as a freelance composer and pianist. He and Shostakovich became fast friends and colleagues.

Vainberg was to discover that anti-Semitism was not only a Nazi specialty. In 1948, at the Soviet Composers Union Congress, Andrei Zhdandov, Stalins cultural henchman, attacked formalism and cosmopolitanism, which were code words for Jewish influences. During the meeting, Vainberg received news that his father-in-law, the most famous Jewish actor in the Soviet Union, Solomon Mikhoels, had been murdered (as it was later learned, on direct orders from Stalin). At first, Vainberg, who always refused to join the Communist Party, seemed safe and was even praised by the newly elected head of the Composers Union, Tikhon Khrennikov, for depicting the shining, free working life of the Jewish people in the land of Socialism.

Nonetheless, Vainberg was arrested in January 1953 for Jewish bourgeois nationalism, on the absurd charge of plotting to set up a Jewish republic in the Crimea. This event took place in the midst of the notorious Doctors Plot, used by Stalin as pretext for another anti-Semitic purge. Seven of the nine Kremlin doctors were Jewish. One of them was Miron Vovsi, the uncle of Vainberg’s wife. Vovsi was executed [see Note 1]. Speaking of Vainberg’s arrest, his wife Natalya said, to be arrested in those times meant departure forever. Expecting her own arrest, Natalya arranged for the Shostakovich’s to have power of attorney over her seven-year-old daughter so that the girl would not be sent to an orphanage.

According to Olympias consultant for its Vainberg series, Tommy Persson, a Swedish friend of the composer and his family, Vainberg thought he would not survive his internment, if only due to his poor health at the time. In -30 ÞC weather, he was taken outside in only his prison garb and shorn of all his hair. He was interrogated and allowed no sleep between 11:00 p.m. and 6:00 a.m. In an act of great courage, Shostakovich sent a letter to the chief of the NKVD (the predecessor to the KGB), Lavrenti Beria, protesting Vainberg’s innocence. But it was only Stalins death in March of that year that opened the prison gates for Vainberg and many others. To celebrate his release, the Shostakoviches and Vainberg’s held a dinner party at which they burned the power of attorney papers.

These events are worth recounting in detail because of the attitude that Vainberg took toward them and that is, in turn, reflected in his music. He seemed to regard his imprisonment with some diffidence. Of the Stalinist peril, he said, It wasnt a sword of Damocles, because they hardly locked up any composerswell, except meand they didnt shoot any either. I really cant claim, as other composers do, that I have been persecuted. Vainberg must have possessed an extraordinary spiritual equanimity to say such a thing.

What sort of music does one write in the face of the horrors of Nazi genocide, World War II, and the Gulag, especially if one has been victimized by all three? In his December 19 article on 20th-century music after the war, New York Times writer Paul Griffiths opined that since what had recently happened was inexpressible, the only appropriate course was to express nothing. And indeed that was the course chosen by many composers in their increasingly violent and abstract works. The more repugnant the world, the more abstract the art.

The only problem with this approach is that the art it produces is itself repugnant because it is inhuman. Vainberg chose another course. It was neither one of denial, nor one of submission to the Soviet mandate to write happy-factory-worker music. He said, Many of my works are related to the theme of war. This, alas, was not my own choice. It was dictated by my fate, by the tragic fate of my relatives. I regard it as my moral duty to write about the war, about the horrors that befell mankind in our century.

Yet Vainberg was able to address these issues with the same spiritual equanimity with which he regarded his imprisonment. Though his music is certainly passionate, he seems to have been able to recollect the most horrible things in tranquility. Since so little is known about Vainberg, it can only be a guess as to how he was able to do this.

In conversation with Persson, I was told, Vainberg could always see the bright light in dark circumstances. What was the source of this perspective? Much is revealed in a remark from an interview Vainberg gave after the collapse of the Soviet Union: I said to myself that God is everywhere. Since my First Symphony, a sort of chorale has been wandering around within me. If God is everywhere, then there is still something to say. Vainberg found the means to say it in music of great passion, poignance, power, beauty, and even peace.

Vainberg’s musical language may be another reason for his neglect. He frequently sounds exactly like Shostakovich, and that similarity will be the first thing likely to strike any listener. Vainberg embraced the similarity, declaring unabashedly, I am a pupil of Shostakovich. Although I never took lessons from him, I count myself as his pupil, his flesh and blood. In turn, Shostakovich called Vainberg one of the most outstanding composers of the present day.

Shared stylistic traits are immediately recognizable in the frequent deployment of high string and horn registers, and the sometimes-obsessive use of themes. Like Shostakovich, Vainberg wrote open, expansive music of big gestures and extraordinarily long-lined melodies. Both composers were classical symphonists who wrote essentially tonally oriented music.

Though ridiculed as a little Shostakovich, Vainberg actually was sometimes the one influencing Shostakovich, rather than the other way around. Vainberg seems to have been the primary source of the Jewish musical influences in Shostakovich’s works, most certainly in Shostakovich’s song cycle From Jewish Folk Poetry. And who was influencing whom in 1962, when Shostakovich composed the Thirteenth Symphony, Babi Yar, about Nazi atrocities against Soviet Jews, and Vainberg wrote his Sixth Symphony memorializing children who were murdered or orphaned? So close were the two composers that they observed a steadfast practice of playing for each other every new work as soon as it was finished. Also, each composer, in tribute, liberally quoted the others works.

However, there are defining differences. Vainberg wrote with irony (and sometimes even humor) but without Shostakovich’s sardonic bombast and cutting edge. He held his musical onslaughts more in check. Vainberg’s music can be very turbulent and bleak, but the bleakness and turbulence are not unremitting. They are, in fact, relieved by a fundamental optimism in Vainberg’s outlook that clearly differentiates him from Shostakovich. The frequent diminuendos with which Vainberg ends his works do not signify resignation or death but peace.

Vainberg was more a romantic than Shostakovich; he wore his heart more on his sleeve. As a result, his writing is more florid, though his symphonic structures remained more classical than those of Shostakovich. In his later years, Vainberg’s music, as evident from his last several chamber symphonies, even increased in lyrical beauty and contemplative value.

The similarities with Shostakovich may also cause one to overlook Vainberg’s own significant melodic gift and his extraordinary ability to develop his themes, which cannot be the product of imitation. Vainberg knew how to take a simple idea and build it into a major edifice. There is also the matter of his remarkable fluency. Vainberg’s music seems to burst forth from such an abundance of ideas that one can only assume that music was his natural language.

Russian composer Boris Tishchenko said of Vainberg, The music seems to flow by itself, without the slightest effort on his part. This fluency, he said, allowed Vainberg to make a game of music making. But even so, this game never becomes simply amusement. In every composition, one can hear his pure voice, the voice of the artist, whose main goal is to speak out in defense of life.

In The New Grove, Boris Schwarz calls Vainberg a conservative modernist. The reverse would be more accurate. In musical idiom, he was a modern conservative. Besides Shostakovich, other palpable influences are Prokofiev, Stravinsky, and especially Mahler. Vainberg worked with traditional harmonic and tonal expectations and rarely failed to meet them in satisfying and novel ways. He could sustain a sense of expectancy over long spans of time with vast melodic and contrapuntal structures.

The symphonies are often masterful in their thematic coherence. The whole of Symphony No. 19, for example, is developed out of its gorgeous opening theme over the course of more than half an hour. Although the symphony is subtitled The Bright May and has extramusical associations with the end of the war, it is musically satisfying in the profoundest way. Vainberg’s music is also highly variegated, encompassing calliope music, circus marches, Jewish and Moldavian folk song and dance, Shostakovich-like onslaughts, and extremely moving Malherian adagios.

The Symphony No. 2, for strings alone, written in 1945 to 1946, should serve as fair warning to those who wish to tie this composers work to his biography. In the wake of the wars devastation, Vainberg produced a meltingly lovely, thoroughly charming, and relatively untroubled work. More than 40 years later, Vainberg added timpani to strings to produce his Chamber Symphony No. 2, another completely beguiling, classically oriented, if somewhat more weighty work. These are entrancing pieces.

Symphony No. 4 has immense propulsive drive, an engaging telegraphic theme, and wistful Stravinskian interludes. It is coupled on an Olympia CD with Vainberg’s Violin Concerto, a work of the first rank, charged with breathtaking vitality. Shostakovich said, I remain very impressed with the Violin Concerto by M.S. Vainberg…. It is a fabulous work. Though the Soviet-era recordings leave something to be desired, the quality of this music and the outstanding performances are thoroughly winning. If you are not engaged by these works, you need proceed no further.

Of Vainberg’s Sixth Symphony, Shostakovich exclaimed, I wish I could sign my name to this symphony. This is the work through which I first became acquainted with Vainberg on a now-deleted Jerusalem Records CD, appropriately coupled with Shostakovich’s From Jewish Folk Poetry (curiously, the two works share the same opus number, Op. 79).

The symphony begins with a hauntingly beautiful trumpet theme, which recurs and is developed throughout. Several of its movements include a childrens choir. Despite its gruesome subject matter, the murder of children, this ultimately affirmative work is a moving example of Vainberg’s ability to recollect in tranquility. Only someone secure in faith and hope could treat this agonizing subject matter in this way. The closing line of the text is: There will be sunshine again and the violins will sing of peace on earth.

The Symphony No. 12, dedicated to the memory of Dmitri Shostakovich (and here conducted by his son ,Maxim) is a poundingly ferocious and poignant piece. It is magnificent music, but not for the faint of heart. The remarkable first movement, close to 20 minutes long, exhibits Vainberg’s ability to move seamlessly from angry outbursts to lyrical introspection. This is a stunning work.

The Symphony No. 19, The Bright May, is music of a man who more than simply survived and who did not return empty-handed from the hell through which he lived. An incredibly long and elegiac melodic line of great beauty begins and almost continuously winds its way through this single-movement masterpiece, which ends in a most poignant way. May may be bright, but it is also haunted. Along with the Sixth Symphony, this is perhaps Vainberg’s most moving work; he certainly wrote nothing more beautiful.

The Piano Quintet demonstrates Vainberg’s prowess with chamber music, and almost equals in brilliance and vitality Shostakovich’s great Piano Quintet.

The lovely Childrens Notebooks for piano proves that Vainberg was a master miniaturist as well as a great symphonist. His abundant charm and humor are evident here.

(…)

After a life of much pain, Vainberg spent his last several years in bed suffering from Crohns disease. On January 3, 1996, less than two months before his death on Ferbruary 26, he was baptized in the Russian Orthodox Church, one final act by a man who could always see the bright light in dark circumstances.
Courtesy of Robert R. Reilly (c)

Mieczysław Weinberg, piano sonata No.6, op. 73 (1960)
Мечислав (Моисей) Вайнберг, шестая соната, соч. 73 (1960)
I. Adagio

Mieczysław Weinberg (Moisei Vainberg)

(1919 – 1996)

Mieczysław Weinberg was one of the twentieth century’s most powerful and prolific composers, and one of its least well known, certainly outside of his adoptive Russia. His death in Moscow on 26 February, 1996, at the age of 76, brings to an end to a life that was far from easy but which was borne with the fortitude that gives his music its toughness and strength.

Weinberg was born on 8 December 1919 in Warsaw into a musical family: his father was a composer and violinist in a Jewish theatre there. He made his first public appearance as a pianist at the age of ten, and two years later became a student at the Warsaw Academy of Music, then under the direction of Karol Szymanowski, where he took piano lessons from Josef Turczynski. His graduation in 1939 was soon followed by Hitler’s invasion: when his entire family was killed, burned alive, Moisei fled eastwards, taking shelter first in Minsk, where he studied composition with Vassily Zolotaryov. Two years later, as Hitler now pushed into Russia, Weinberg again had to flee, this time finding work at the opera house in Tashkent, in Uzbekistan. It was there, in 1943, that he took the action that was perhaps to be the most decisive in his life: he sent the manuscript of his newly completed First Symphony to Dmitri Shostakovich in Moscow. Shostakovich’s response was typically helpful and immediate: Weinberg received an official invitation to travel to Moscow, where he was to spend the rest of his life, living largely by his compositions, though he also made many appearances as a pianist. One of the most prestigious was when, in October 1967, with Vishnevskaya, Oistrakh and Rostropovich, he played in the first performance of Shostakovich’s Seven Romances on Poems by Alexander Blok, replacing the ailing composer. And when Shostakovich presented his latest works to the Composers’ Union and to the Soviet Ministry of Culture, it was generally in four-hand versions in which Weinberg was his habitual accompanist (in 1954, for example, they recorded the Tenth Symphony at the piano – a document of immense importance which has appeared in the West on LP and which ought now to be resuscitated on CD).

Having only just escaped the Nazis with his life, Weinberg was not to find matters much easier under Stalin. During the night of 12 January 1948 (the day before the opening of the infamous “Zhdanov” congress at which Shostakovich, Serge Prokofieff and several other composers were denounced as “formalists”), Solomon Mikhoels, Weinberg’s father-in-law and the perhaps the foremost actor in the Soviet Union, was murdered on Stalin’s orders, an early victim of the anti-Semitic campaign that was to be a feature of his last years in power. When, in February 1953, Weinberg himself was arrested, it seemed that he, too, might “disappear”; fortune intervened and Stalin’s death on 5 March removed the imminent danger. (In the meantime Shostakovich had acted true to form, taking the step, one of almost foolhardy generosity and courage, of writing to Stalin’s police chief Beriya to protest Weinberg’s innocence.) A month later Mikhoels was posthumously rehabilitated in the Soviet press, and soon after Weinberg himself was released.

Weinberg’s association with Shostakovich was not based only on mutual personal esteem. Shostakovich often spoke very highly of Weinberg’s music (calling him “one of the most outstanding composers of the present day”); he dedicated his Tenth String Quartet to him; and in February/March 1975, although terminally ill (he was to die on 9 August), he found the energy to attend all the rehearsals for the premiere of Weinberg’s opera The Madonna and the Soldier. Weinberg’s identification with Shostakovich’s musical language was such that to the innocent ear the best of his own music might also pass muster as very good Shostakovich. Weinberg was quite unabashed, stating with unsettling directness that “I am a pupil of Shostakovich. Although I have never had lessons from him, I count myself as his pupil, as his flesh and blood”. But there is much more to Weinberg than these external similarities of style, although his music – some of which achieves greatness – has yet to have the exposure that will allow his individuality to be fully recognised. It also embraces folk idioms from his native Poland, as well as Jewish and Moldavian elements; and towards the end of his career he found room for dodecaphony, though usually set in a tonal framework. His evident taste for humour, from the light and deft to biting satire, was complemented by a natural feeling for the epic: his Twelfth Symphony, for instance, dedicated to the memory of Shostakovich, effortlessly sustains a structure almost an hour in length; and Symphonies Nos. 17, 18 and 19 form a vast trilogy entitled On the Threshold of War.

The list of Weinberg’s compositions is enormous and deserves serious investigation both by musicians and record companies: there are no fewer than 26 symphonies (the last to be completed, Kaddish, is dedicated to the memory of the Jews who perished in the Warsaw Ghetto, Weinberg donating the manuscript to the Yad va-Shem memorial in Israel; the twenty-seventh was finished in piano score though not fully orchestrated); two sinfoniettas; seven concertos (variously for violin, cello, flute and trumpet); seventeen string quartets; nineteen sonatas for piano solo or in combination with violin, viola, cello, double-bass or clarinet; more than 150 songs; a Requiem; and an astonishing amount of music for the stage – seven operas, three operettas, two ballets, and incidental music for 65 films, plays, radio productions and circus performances.

Weinberg was never a Party member, although he turned in his fair share of celebratory “socialist realist” commissions. But the horrors he had lived through underlined his genuine antipathy to war, which was far from the empty harrumphing of the Soviet peace movement – it can be heard in (for example) how he treats the theme of death in his passionately humanist Sixth Symphony, to be found on one of four discs of Weinberg’s music released by the British company Olympia towards the end of the composer’s life (more releases are planned, apparently).

He spent his last days confined to bed by ill health, often in considerable pain and afflicted by a deep depression occasioned by the wholesale neglect of his music – an unworthy end to a career the importance of which has yet to be recognised. The news that a trust has been formed to promote his music may be the first sign that a revival of interest is at hand. Not before time.

Courtesy of Martin Anderson, 1996

Claes Gunnarsson, Svedlund, Göteborgs Symfoniker

Adagio • 7:20 Moderato – Lento • 12:59 Allegro – Cadenza. L’istesso tempo, molto appassionato – Andante – Allegro – Andante • 21:42 Allegro – Adagio – Meno mosso

.
Please note also : http://claude.torres1.perso.sfr.fr/Vainberg/WeinbergDiscographie.html

Leave a comment | tags: cytopicus, Моисей Самуилович Вайнбер, Liliya Ugay - Piano, Mieczyslaw Vainberg, Mieczyslaw Weinberg, piano sonata No.6, ram chandra राम चन्द्र 51, Western Classical Music, משה װאַינבערג | posted in cytopicus, Western Classical Music

June 18, 2014

A Poet’s Creed

By RAM Chandrakausika राम च 51

JORGE LOUIS BORGES

Harvard Lectures

Leave a comment | tags: Borges, cytopicus, Jorge Louis Borges, ram51, saxonian folkways | posted in LIBRARY, LITERATURE

March 5, 2014

हिन्दुस्तानी शास्त्रीय संगीत

By RAM Chandrakausika राम च 51

Of shining whiteness,
Kafi who inspires lust tenderly
sits on the lap of her playmate in the royal palace,
fond of parrots she is dressed in blue
and decked with jewels.
She is the image of sensuousness.
In the Lotus of my heart
I cherish her,
lovlier than Lakshmi
the goddess of Fortune.

हिन्दुस्तानी शास्त्रीय संगीत-

A brief treatise on the THAATS of The Classical Music of India

ہندوستانی کلاسیکی موسیقی‎

According to Vishnu Narayan Bhatkhande (1860-1936), one of the most influential musicologists in the field of North Indian classical music in the twentieth century, each one of the several traditional ragas is based on, or is a variation of, ten basic thaats, or musical scales or frameworks. The ten thaats are Bilawal, Kalyan, Khamaj, Bhairav, Poorvi, Marwa, Kafi, Asavari, Bhairavi and Todi; if one were to pick a raga at random, it should be possible to find that it is based on one or the other of these thaats. For instance, the ragas Shree and Puriya Dhanashri are based on the Poorvi thaat, Malkauns on the Bhairavi, and Darbari Kanada on the Asavari thaat. It is important to point out that Bhatkande’s thaat-raga theory is hardly infallible, but it is nevertheless an important classificatory device with which to order, and make sense of, a bewildering array of ragas; and it is also a useful tool in the dissemination of the music to students.

The Thaats

Bilawal
Marwa
Bhairav
Poorvi
Bhairavi
Todi
Asavari
Kalyan
Khamaj
Kafi

It is worth noting that almost all the thaats mentioned above are also ragas; and yet a thaat is a very different musical entity from a raga, and in this difference may lie, crucially, a definition of what a raga is or is not. A thaat is a musical scale, conceived of as a Western musical scale might be, with the seven notes presented in their order of ascent (arohan). For instance, Asavari is presented, and notated, as Sa Re Ga (flat or komal) Ma Pa Dha (flat) Ni (flat) in ascent, or arohan. This is, however, only the skeletal musical structure of the raga Asavari, an abstraction that is to be found nowhere but on the printed page or inside a textbook; the raga Asavari, in reality, and in exposition, is a very different thing. It goes straight from Re to Ma, and comes down to touch Ga, as it ascends; having touched Ni later, it returns to Pa, and, touching the upper Sa, returns to Dha and Pa again and again. Arohan and avarohan are, thus, inextricably and inseparably intermingled in the structure of this raga. The raga, then, is not a musical scale in the Western sense; it is a characteristic arrangement or progression of notes whose full potential and complexity can be realised only in exposition, and not upon the printed page. A condensed version of this characteristic arrangement of notes, peculiar to each raga, may be called the pakad, by which a listener hears the phrase Sa Re Ga Ma Pa Ga, none of these notes being flat or sharp. Repeated in a recital, they will know that they are listening to the raga Gaud Sarang.

Two ragas may have identical notes and yet be very different ragas; for example, two ragas mentioned earlier, Shree and Puriya Dhanashri, have exactly the same notes, but are unmistakably different in structure and temperament. The first can be identified by its continual exploration of the relationship of the note Re to the note Paa; while the repetition of the phrase Ma Re Ga Re Ma Ga, a phrase that would be inadmissible in the first raga, is an enduring feature of the latter. Certain arrangements of notes, then, are opposite to particular ragas and taboo to all others. A simple and abstract knowledge, thus of the notes of a raga or the thaat on which it is based, is hardly enough to ensure a true familiarity or engagement with the raga, although it may serve as a convenient starting point. Thaat familiarity can only come from a constant exposure to, and critical engagement, with raga’s exposition.

(Courtesy by Amit Chaudhuri)

***

The Kafi That

Raga Kafi belongs to Kafi Thaat. Usually it is rendered in the late evening and uses all the seven notes in the ascending and descending order. Gandhar and Nishad are komal (flat) and all other notes are shuddha (full). The derivative ragas out of this structure are grouped under the broad head of Kafi Thaat

***

Raga Kafi is representative of the Kafi Thaat. It is a versatile raga and can be played anytime. The raga has influenced folk music heavily and it is common to find folk songs and bhajans in this raga. Pure forms of Kafi are rarely performed.

Other Ragas in Thaat Kafi:
Bageshri
Bhimpalasi
Pilu
Moods: Bhakti, Shringar, Hori, Tappa

Aaroha:   S R g m P D n S’
Avaroha: S’ n D P m g R S
Jati: Sampurna – Sampurna
Pakad:    S R R g m P
Thaat:     Kafi
Prahar: 6th Prahar (6 PM to 9 PM)
Prahar:    Evening

Notable characteristics of the raga: PmgR, RgmP, mgR, S

***

According to Vishnu Narayan Bhatkhande (1860-1936), one of the most influential musicologists in the field of North Indian classical music in the twentieth century, each one of the several traditional ragas is based on, or is a variation of, ten basic thaats, or musical scales or frameworks. The ten thaats are Bilawal, Kalyan, Khamaj, Bhairav, Poorvi, Marwa, Kafi, Asavari, Bhairavi and Todi; if one were to pick a raga at random, it should be possible to find that it is based on one or the other of these thaats. For instance, the ragas Shri and Puriya Dhanashri are based on the Poorvi thaat, Malkauns on the Bhairavi, and Darbari Kanada on the Asvari thaat. It is important to point out that Bhatkande’s thaat-raga theory is not very accurate, but it is nevertheless an important classificatory device with which to order, and make sense of, a bewildering array of ragas; and it is also a useful tool in the dissemination of the music to students.

There are certain rules for these Thaats.

1. A Thaat must have seven notes out of the twelve notes [Seven Shuddha, Four komal (Re, Ga, Dha , Ni), one teevra (Ma) ], placed in an ascending order. Both the forms of the notes can be used.
2. Thaat has only an Aaroha.
3. Thaats are not sung but the raags produced from the Thaats are sung.
4. Thaats are named after the popular raag of that Thaat. For example Bhairavi is a popular raag and the thaat of the raag Bhairavi is named after the raag.

The 10 basic thaats acording to the Bhatkhande System are as follows

1. Bilawal :bilawal

Bilawal is the most basic of all the ten thaats. All the swars in the thaat are shuddha or all swars in the natural scale. Bilawal as a raag is not rendered these days however a small variation of the raag called Alahaiya Bilawal is very common. This is a mornig raag and its pictorial descriptions create a rich, sensuous ambience in consonance with its performance.

Raags in Bilawal Thaat : Deskar, Haunsdhwani, Variations of Bilawal.

2. Khamaj :khamaj

The next thaat is Khamaj which can be obtained by replacing the Shuddha Nishad of Bilawal by Komal Nishad. The raags of this thaat are full of Shringar Ras (romantic) hence this raag is mostly rendered in the form of light classical thumris, tappas, horis, kajris etc. Its pictorial descriptions in the existing texts are sensuous and even today, the raag Khamaj is considered to be a ‘flirtatious’ raag. There is another theory which assumes that in the past, Khamaj scale found its way in Ch’in music of the late medieval China.

Raags in Khamaj Thaat : Rageshree, Jhinjhoti, Des, Tilak Kamod, Jaijaiwanti, Khambavati etc.

Rag Kafi Zilaph

Rag Palas Kafi

3. Kafi :kafi

Kafi thaat makes use of the Komal Gandhar and Komal Nishad. So basically it adds Komal Gandhar to the Khamaj Thaat. raag Kafi is one of the oldest raags and its intervals are described as basic scale of the Natyashastra. Thus in ancient and medieval times, Kafi was considered as natural scale. Kafi is a late evening raag and said to convey the mood of spring time.

Raags in Kafi Thaat : Dhanashree, Dhani, Bhimpalasi, Pilu, Megh Malhar, Bageshree etc.

4. Asavari :asavari

Add Komal Dhaivat to Kafi thaat and you get Asavari Thaat. raag Asavari is full of tyag, the mood of renunciation and sacrifice as well as pathos. It is best suited for late morning. However important evening/night raags like Darbari and Adana also use notes of asavari thaat with different styles, stress points and ornamentations.

Raags in Asavari Thaat : Asavari, Desi, Darbari, Adana, Jaunpuri etc.

5. Bhairavi :bhairavi

Bhairavi makes use of all the komal swars, Rishabh, Gandhar, Dhaivat, Nishad. When singing compositions in Bhairavi raag, the singers however take liberty to use all the 12 swars. Bhairavi raag is names after the shakti or feminine aspect of the cosmic life force, which is personified as a consort to Lord Shiva. Bhairavi is a powerful raag filled with devotion and compassion. Bhairavi is actually performed early in the morning in a peaceful, serious and ocassionally sad mood. Traditionally it is rendered as the last item of a program, for its unique fullness of sentiments as well as its wide scope of the tonal combinations. Pictorially, Bhairavi is represented in female form, as the wife of Bhairav.

Raags in Bhairavi Thaat : Malkauns, Bilaskhani Todi, Bhupali Todi, Kaunsi Kanada etc.

6. Bhairav :bhairav

Bhairav thaat raags make use of Komal Rishabh and Komal Dhaivat. Bhairav is one of the names of Lord Shiva especially in his powerful form as a naked ascetic with matted locks and body smeared with ashes. The raag too has some of these masculine and scetic attributes in its form and compositions. The raag itself is extremely vast and allows a huge number of note combinations and a great range of emotional qualities from valor to peace. You can see a lot of variations on raag Bhairav including (but not restricted to) Ahir Bhairav, Alam Bhairav, Anand Bhairav, Bairagi Bhairav, Beehad Bhairav, Bhavmat Bhairav, Devata Bhairav, Gauri Bhairav, Nat Bhairav, Shivmat Bhairav. This raag is usually performed in a devotional mood in the early morning hours. The vibrations of the notes in Bhairav is said to clear one’s whole mind. The pictorial depictions of raag Bhairav in the ancient texts are austere as well as awe-inspiring.

Raags in Bhairav Thaat : Ramkali, Gunkari, Meghranjani, Jogiya, Bhairav and its variations etc.

7. Kalyan :kalyan

Kalyan thaat consists of a important group of evening raags. Characterized by the teevra Madhyam, this thaat literally means good luck. It is considered to be a blessing-seeking and soothing raag. As a result, it is performed in the evening at the beginning of a concert. This raag creates a feeling of the unfolding of an evening. This thaat is huge and consists of many variations on the basic kalyan thaat including raags (but not restricted to) like Shuddha Kalyan, Shyam Kalyan, Yaman Kalyan, Anandi Kalyan, Khem Kalyan (Haunsdhwani + Yaman), Savani Kalyan etc.

Raags in Kalyan Thaat : Yaman, Bhupali, Hindol, Kedar, Kamod, etc.

8. Marwa :marwa

Marwa thaat is obtained by adding a komal Rishabh to Kalyan thaat. The mood of the Marwa family raags is strongly and easily recognizable. The Shadja remains in the form of a shadow till the very end, where it almost comes as a surprise. komal Rishabh and shuddha Dhaivat are ver important. The overall mood of this raag is of sunset where the night approaches much faster than in northern latitudes. The onrushing darkness awakens in many observers, a feeling of anxiety and solemn expectation.

Raags in Marwa Thaat : Marwa, Puriya, Bhatiyaar, Bibhas, Sohoni etc.

9. Poorvi :poorvi

Poorvi thaat adds a komal Dhaivat to Marwa thaat. These thaat raags usually feature komal Rishabh, shuddha Gandhar and Shuddha Nishad along with teevra Madhyam, the note which distinguishes evening from the morning raags (dawn and sunset). The thaat raag Poorvi is deeply serious quite and mysterious in character and is performed at the time of sunset. Pictorial depictions in early texts, often mention the poise, grace and charm of Poorvi.

Raags in Poorvi Thaat : Puriya Dhanashree, Gauri, Shree, Paraj, Basant etc.

10. Todi :todi

Todi is the king of all thaats. Todi pictures nearly always show a petite, beautiful woman, holding veena, with a deer around her, standing in a lovely, lush green forest. Todi represents the mood of delighted adoration with a gentle, loving sentiment and its traditionally performed in the late morning.

Raags in Todi Thaat : Miyan Ki Todi, Gujari Todi, Madhuvanti, Multani etc.

***

The Karnatik Origin of KAFI is rAgam Kharaharapriya

Raga Kharaharapriya

Raga : Kharaharapriya
Mela: 22
Other names: Kafi Thaat ( Hindustani)

Arohana: S R2 G1 M1 P D2 N1 S || S Ri Gi Ma Pa Dhi Ni S
Avarohana: S N1 D2 P M1 G1 R2 S || S Ni Dhi Pa Ma Gi Ri S

Time: All Times

Amsa Swaras: R, P
Jeeva Swaras: R, G, D, N
Nyasa Swaras: R, G, D, N

Murchanakaraka Ragas: R -> Hanumatodi
G -> Kalyani
M -> Harikambhoji
P -> Natabhairavi
D -> Sankarabharanam

Special Considerations: Similar to Shadja Grama

***

1. mELam 22 – kharaharapriya

KHARAHARAPRIYA is the fourth mELam (bhU) in the fourth cakram, vEda cakram. Hence it is usually referred to by the mnemonic name “vEda bhU”, since there are 4 vEdAs, and the kaTapayAdi numeral for the consonant “bha” is 4 (from the “pa varga”: pa, pha, ba, bha, ma!) The svarams taken by the mELam kharaharapriya are:

SaDjam (S, sa), catushruti .rSabham(R2, ri), sAdAraNa gAndhAram (G1, ga), shuddha madhyamam (M1, ma), pa~ncamam (P, pa), catushruti dhaivatam (D2, dhi), kaiSiki niSAdham (N2, ni).

Raga Kharaharapriya

Alathur Brothers-Chakkini Raja

Thus, the mnemonic svara nomenclature for kharaharapriya is ri gi ma dhi ni, showing that besides the notes sa, pa, the notes taken are ri (R2), ga (G1), ma (M1), dhi (D2), ni (N2).

The first two syllables “kha ‑ ra” in the name yields the mELam number 22 according to the kaTapayAdi scheme (that is, kha =2 (from ka, kha g gh N^),and ra =2 (from ya ra la va), so 2 2 reversed still gives 22!!). Some believe that the original name of this mELam was harapriya, and the prefix “khara” was added to obtain the numeral 22. But kharaharapriya itself has the meaning ‑‑ priya (beloved of, liked by) hara (slayer of) khara (the demon named khara).

· kharaharapriya is a mELam with symmetrical tetrachords; intervals are separated by a major tone. The mELam gets is pleasing quality from the even distribution of the notes. The ri ‑‑ ga, and the dha ‑‑ ni are in consonance and the interval between sa ‑‑ ri, ma ‑‑ pa, and dha ‑‑ ni are all equal. This facilitates singing of saN^gatis in sets which can independently interpret the melody, and allow the singer to build the AlApana phrase by phrase.

· a major rAgam, capable of very lengthy AlApanAs.

· chAyA and nyAsa svarams : ri, ga, dha, ni;

· aMsha svarams: ri and pa

· kharaharapriya is approximately equal to the SaDja grAmam of ancient music, the primordial scale of the Hindus

· kharaharapriya is a sarva svara gamaka vArikA rakti rAgam. The pratyAhata gamakam (ri sa, sa ni, ni dha, dha pa, pa ma, ma ga, ga ri) lends color to this mELam. Yet, unlike an average rAgam, kharaharapriya comes out beautifully even without employing much gamakam.

· kharaharapriya is a tristhAyI rAgam. Compositions in kharaharapriya usually begin in sa, ri, pa ,ni.

· prayOgams NI dha PA ma GA ri NI da pa dha ni sa ni dha PA ma GA ri

· kharaharapriya admits prayogams ending in the note ni. Only the notes sa, pa enjoy this privilege!

· A mUrccanakAraka mELam, that admits graha bhedam (modal shift of tonic), yielding the mELams hanumatODi (8), mEcakalyANi (65), harikAmbhOji (28), naThabhairavi (20), dhIrashaN^karAbharaNam (29), respectively, when the notes ri, ga, ma, pa, and ni are taken as the tonic AdhAra shaDjam.

· kharaharapriya corresponds to the Phrygian mode in Greek, the Dorian in Ecclesiastical, the “D” mode in European and the Irak mode in Arab music.

· SArN^gadEva, the author of saN^gIta ratnAkara mentions that kharaharapriya contains all svarams of sAma vEda. Since Lord shiva is pleased with sAma vEda chants, it is appropriate that this mELam assumes the name ” harapriya”.

· a rAgam suitable for singing at all times. It evokes karuNa rasam

· Among the musical trinity, Saint tyAgarAja is the sole composer who has given full life to kharaharapriya by composing a large number of k.rtis. Neither muttusvAmi dIkSitar nor shyAma sAstri has composed in this mELa rAgam. TyAgarAja’s “cakkani rAjamArgamu” is the most popular composition in kharaharapriya.

· It is a puzzle why muttusvAmi dIkSitar did not compose any k.rti in kharaharapriya. The obvious answer is that he composed only in rudrapriya which is “almost” kharaharapriya, except that the note ” dha”’ is absent in the avarOhaNam.

· kharaharapriya has helped the nAdasvaram to acquire recognition as a major musical instrument. NAdasvaram exponents like Karaikkuricci Arunachalam, have indulged in this rAgam for long stretches, especially when rendering some weighty tyAgarAja compositions.

· pallavi expositions in kharaharapriya are very common. Nowadays, we can hear rAgamAlikA svarams sung at the concluding segment of a pallavi in kharaharapriya where the artist chooses a number of priya‑suffixed rAgams (such as gAyakapriya, SaNmukhapriya, raghupriya, gOpriya, sunAdapriya, varuNapriya, and so forth!!).

· Balamuralikrishna has composed a rAgamAlikA tillanA in five priya‑suffixed rAgams that includes kharaharapriya as the last one.

· There are many folk tunes and kAvaDi cindu songs in kharaharapriya. Also, many tiruppugazh hymns are rendered in kharaharapriya. The cine world in south India has its fair share of songs in this mELam.

2. Some Compositions in kharaharapriya

kOri sEvimpa rArE Adi tyAgarAja

cakkani rAjamArgamu luNDana Adi tyAgarAja

cEtulAra sh.rN^gAramu cEsi Adi tyAgarAja

naDaci naDaci jUcE Adi tyAgarAja

pakkala nilabaTi mishra cApu tyAgarAja

pAhi rAma rAmayanacu rUpakam tyAgarAja

pEriDi ninnu Adi tyAgarAja

mitra bhAgyamE bhAgyamu Adi tyAgarAja

rAma nIyeDA Adi tyAgarAja

rAma nI samAnamevaru rUpakam tyAgarAja

viDamu sEyavE nannu Adi tyAgarAja

appan avataritta Adi pApanAsham shivan

AraNamum jhampa pApanAsham shivan

dayavilklaiyA Adi pApanAsham shivan

dharmAmbikE Adi pApanAsham shivan

enna sheidAlum Adi pApanAsham shivan

jAnakIpatE Adi pApanAsham shivan

parAmukham EnayyA Adi pApanAsham shivan

vINA alaiyAdE Adi pApanAsham shivan

kAdali rAdhayai Adi pApanAsham shivan

okapari kokapari Adi annamAcArya

allikkENikkarai Adi UttukkADu veN^kaTakavi

bhaktiyOga aN^gItamArgamE Adi UttukkADu veN^kaTakavi

enna parAmukham ammA Adi UttukkADu veN^kaTa kavi

inta parAkElarA Adi pallavi shESayyar

gAnasudhArasa Adi mysore vAsudEvAcAriar

saN^kalpameTTidO Adi paTNam subrahmaNya iyer

ninnunammina rUpakam karUr cinna dEvuDu

kaNNan maNivaNNan rUpakam muttayyA bhAgavatar

mUvAshai koNDE Adi muttayyA bhAgavatar

tyAgarAjaguru Adi vINa kuppayyar

inda varam taruvAi rUpakam vEdanAyakam piLLai

inda manamoru rUpakam T. LakSmaNan piLLai

inta parAkElarA Adi pallavi sheSayyar

inda janmam vENDum rUpakam gOpAlak.rSNa bhArathi

rArAyani pilacitE Adi myspre vAsudEvAcAriar

tyAgarAja Adi tiruvoTTiyUr tyAgarAjan

ninnu kolici rUpakam rAmnAD shrInivAsa iyengAr

kaN pArayyA Adi kOTIshvara iyer

aruLvAy shrImInalOcani Adi kOTIshvara iyer

aravaNai tuyinriDum Adi Calcutta K. S. Krishnamurthi

anbE ArumarandAlum Adi periyasAmi tUran

kAlanE bvIzhttiya Adi periyasAmi tUran

dharnmashAstA Adi tuLasIvanam

raktakaNthEshvaram Adi tuLasIvanam

shabarIshvaram Adi tuLasIvanam

rAmA nIvE (va.rNam) Adi tenmaDam narasimhAcAri

satatam tAvaka padasEvanaM svAti tirunAL

Remark: Professor Sambamurthi mentions that the tyAgarAja k.ri “rAmA nIyeDA” is not set in kharaharapriya, but in the rAgam dilIpakam.

3. janyams of kharaharapriya

kharaharapriya lends itself to a huge number of janya rAgams. Many of these janyams are important in their own right. Walter Kaufmann’s “Ragas of South India” lists 132 janyams of kharaharapriya. They are:

shrI, AbhOgi, kAnaDa, darbAr, nAyaki, AbhEri, Ananda vAridhi, AndOLika, anilAvaLi, bAlacandrika, bAlaghOSi(Ni), bhadra sAraN^galIla, bhAgavatapriya, bhAgyara~njani, bhOgakannaDa, bhOgavati, bhramarikA ma~njari, bhUyOmaNi, b.rndAvanasAraN^ga, cakra pradIpta, candrakala, candramaNDana, carAvaLi, cAtam, chandOdhari, chAyA shObhitam, cittara~njani, dEshya kAnaDa, dEshya kApi, dEshya manOhari, dEvakriya, dEvamanOhari, dEvAm.rtavarSiNi, dEvamukhAri, dEvara~njani, dhAtumanOhari, dhIrakaLa, dilIpakam, gAnavasantam, gArava simhala, gauri vasantam, ghana kEshi, ghanaja ghana, grandhavikSEpam, hanOkaha,hariharamOhini, harinArAyaNi, hEmAvaLi, hindOLavasantam, hindustAn kApi, husEni, Inakapriya,janAndOLika, jayAkSari, jayama~njari, jayamanOhari, jayanArAyaNi, jayantasEna, jhAlama~njari, jIvaka vasantam, kaishika, kaLAnidhi, kalAsvarUpi,kalhAru, kALikA, kALindi, kalyANa taraN^giNi, kalyANa vasantam*, kanaka varALi, kannaDa gauLa, kannaDa varALi, kApi, kApi jiN^gaLa, karaNi, ka.rNATaka dEvagAndhAri, ka.rNATaka kApi, kApi, kaThinya, ka.rNara~njani, khilAvaLi, kiraNa bhAskara, kumudapriya, kundamAlika, lalitagAndhAri, lalitamanOhari, mAdhi, madhyamAvati, makuTa dhAriNi, mALavashrI, mallAru, mandamari, maNiraN^gu, ma~njari, manOhari, mArgahindoLam, maruvadhanyAshi, mAyApratIpam, mukhAri, nadacintAmaNi, nAdamUrti, nAdataraN^giNi, nAdanapriya, navaratnavilAsam, nAgari, phalama~njari, pa~ncama, pUrNakalAnidhi, pUrNaSaDjam, pUrvamukhAri, puSpalatika, rItigauLa, rudrapriya, saindhavi, sAlaga bhairavi, samkrantanapriya, siddhasEna, shrImanOhari, shrIra~njani, shubhAN^gi, shuddhabaN^gaLa, shuddhabhairavi, shuddha dhanyAshi, shuddhamadhyamam, shuddhamanOhari, shuddhavElAvali, suguNabhUSaNi, sujaris, svarabhUSaNi, svarakalAnidhi, svarara~njani, udayaravicandrika, varamu

*Walter Kaufmann mentions two versions of kalyANa vasantam, one the traditional classification under kIravANi (mELam 21) and the other under kharaharapriya. However, the version of the popular kr.ti “nAdalOluDai” as sung by the Chittoor school with chatusruti dhaivatam, would have kalyANa vasantam classified under gauri manOhari (mElam 23).

4. scales of some important janyams

janyam ArOhaNam avarOhaNam

AbhEri sa ga ma pa ni sa sa ni dha pa ma ga ri sa

AbhOgi sa ri ga ma dha sa sa dha ma gai sa

AndOLika sa ri ma pa ni sa sa ni dha ma ri sa

aThANa* sa ri ma pa ni sa sa ni Dha pa ma pa Ga ma ri sa

b.rndAvanasAraN^ga sa ri ma pa ni sa sa ni pa ma ri ga sa

cittara~njanini sa ri ga ma pa dha ni ni dha pa ma ga ri sa ni

darbAr sa ri ma pa dha ni sa sa Ni dha pa ma ri Ga Ga ri sa

dEvamanOhari sa ri ma pa dha ni sa sa ni dha ni pa ma ri sa

dEvAm.rtavarSiNi sa ri ga ma ni dha ni sa sa ni dha pa ma ga ri sa

dilIpakam sa ri ma pa dha ni dha pa ma ni dha ni sa sa ni dha pa ma ga risa

hindustAni kApi sa ri ma pa ni sa sa ni dha ni pa ma ga ri sa

husEni sa pa ma pa ni dha ni sa sa ni dha pa ma ga ri sa

jayamanOhari sa ri ga ma dha sa sa ni dha ma ga ri sa

jayanArAyaNi sa ri ga ma pa dha sa sa ni dha pa ma ga ri sa

jayantasEna sa ga ma pa dha sa sa ni dha pa ma ga sa

kalAnidhi sa ri ga ma sa pa ma dha ni sa sa ni dha pa ma ga ri sa

kAnaDa sa ri Ga ma Dha ni sa sa ni pa ma Ga ma Ri sa

kannaDagauLa sa ri ga ma pa ni sa sa ni dha pa ma ga sa

karNara~njani sa ri ga ma ga pa dha sa sa ni dha pa ma ga ri sa

kuntaLavarALi sa ma pa ni dha sa sa ni dha pa ma sa

madhyamAvati sa ri ma pa ni sa sa ni pa ma ri sa

mALavashri sa ga ma pa ni dha ni pa dha ni sa sa ni dha pa ma ga sa

maNiraN^gu sa ri ma pa ni sa sa ni pa ma Ga ri sa

ma~njari sa ga ri ga ma pa ni dha ni sa sa ni dha pa ma ga ri sa

manOhari sa ri ga ma pa dha sa sa dha pa ma ga ri sa

mukhAri sa ri ma pa ni dha sa sa nidha pa ma ga ri sa

nAyaki sa ri ma pa dha pa sa sa Ni dha pa ma ri Ga ri sa

pashupatipriya sa ri ma pa ma dha sa sa dha pa ma ri ma sa

phalama~njari sa ga ma pa ma dha sa sa ni dha pa ma Ga ma ri sa

pUrNa SaDjam sa ri ga ma ni ni sa sa ni pa ma Ga ri sa

puSpalatika sa ri ga ma pa ni sa sa ni pa ma ga ri sa

rItigauLa* sa ga ri ga ma ni dha ma ni ni sa sa ni dha ma ga ma pa Ma ga ri sa

rudrapriya sa ri ga ma pa dha ni sa sa ni pa ma ga ri sa

sAlagabhairavi sa ri ma pa dha sa sa ni dha pa ma ga ri sa

siddhasena sa ga ri ga ma pa dha sa sa ni dha ma pa ma ri ga ri sa

shrI sa ri ma pa ni sa sa ni pa dha ni pa ma ri ga ri sa

shrIra~njani sa ri ga ma dha ni sa sa ni dha ma ga ri sa

shuddha baN^gaLa sa ri ma pa dha sa sa dha pa ma ri ga ri sa

shuddha dhanyAshi sa ga ma pa ni sa sa ni pa ma ga sa

supoSiNi sa ri sa ma pa ni dha sa sa dha ni pa ma ri ma sa

svarabhUSaNi sa ga ma pa dha ni sa sa ni pa ma ga ma ri sa

(* aThANa is more of a phrase-oriented rAgam with a unique identity. Some texts classify this under dHIrasa~nkarAbharaNaM. Prof. S. R. Janakiraman’s recent book contends that aThANa should be placed under kharaharapriya.)

5. kAfi ThATh ‑ hindustAni paddhati

The Hindusthani ThATh kAfi corresponds to kharaharapriya of ka.rNATik music. The svarams used are: tIvra ri, komal ga, shuddh ma, tIvra dha, komal ni. vadi is pa, and samvadi is sa. It is an evening rag. The usage of joD (double svaras) sa sa, ri ri ga ga, ma ma, pa pa is pleasing. In this rAgam, the notes ga , ri in the pUrvAN^g, and ni, dha in the uttarAN^g should be frequently employed. Ending of AlAp with pa ma ga ri is graceful. Beauty of kAfi rests in sa, ga, pa ni. Pure kAfi is rarely rendered, and what is presented as kAfi contains touches of sindhUri. You can hear tumri, bhajan, hOri, Tappa, ghazal , or sometimes dhrupad in kAfi.

The following rAgams are derivatives of kAfi:‑‑

bhImpalAsi, dhani, dhanashri, bhim, paTadIp, bArva, sindhUra,sindh, hansakiN^kiNi, bhAgEshri, bahAr, pIlU, palAsi, the mallAri group ( megh malhAr, miyAn ki malhAr, gauD malhAr, shuddh malhAr, naTh malhAr, sUr malhAr, rAmdAsi malhAr, rUpma~njari malhAr, mIrAbAi ki malhAr,nAyaki malhAr, jayant malhAr, carajuki malhAr, dEsh malhAr, ca~ncalasasa malhAr, dhulia malhAr), candrakauns,shrIra~njani,patma~njari, mAlgu~nj, gauD, the sAraN^g group ( bindrabani sAraN^g, madhumati sAraN^g, bhadhauns sAraN^g, miyAn ki sAraN^g, laN^kAdahan sAraN^g, samant sAraN^g, nUr sAra.ng).

6. asampU.rNa mELam 22 ‑‑ shrI

According to DIkSitar school of asampUrNa mELa paddhati, rAgAN^ga rAgam 22 is shrI.

lakSaNaM (Definition) ( VeN^kaTamakhin):

shrI rAgaH sagrahaH pUrNaH cArOhE cAlpadhaivataH

avarohe ga vakraH syAt sAyam gEyaH shubhAvaha.h

ArohaNaM: sa ri ma pa ni Sa

avarohaNaM: Sa ni pa dha ni pa ma ri Ga ri sa

The notes taken are: SaDjaM. catushruti ri, shuddha ma, pa~ncamam, catushruti dha, sAdhAraNa ga, kAkaLi ni,. In the ArohaNam, dha and ni are absent. Only the ArohaNam permits vakra sa~ncAra. In fact there are two vakra sa~ncArams. The rAgam gets a beauty by the elongation and gamaka on the note ga.

· An audava‑vakra rAgam dervived from 22nd mELam kharaharapriya.

· The chAyA svarams are ri and ni.

· the nyAsa svaram is ri.

· sa, ri, ma, pa, ni are the graha svarams.

· SubbarAma DIkSitar states that ri in the ArohaNan is both the jIva and nyAsa

· svaram. The phrases ri ga ri sa, pa dha ni pa in avarohaNam give beauty.

· A raga suitable for singing ( tAnam on the vINa; auspicious, and suitable for singing in the evening.

· shrI is an evening rAgam, a ghana rAgam, and auspicious rAgam (maN^gaLa karam), and is preferred by vaiNikas for rendering tAnam.

· The sa~ncArams given in Sangita Sampradaya Pradarshini are unique in the sense that there is no dhaivata prayOga. Being a maN^gaLa rAgam, it is most often heard in concerts, almost invariable, at least very briefly played after the maN^gaLam.

· The last of Saint tyAgAraja’s five gems ( pa~ncaratnaM): ” endarO mahAnubhavulu “ is in shrI.

· SaN^gIta SaMpradAya Pradarshini, the it magnum opus work of SubbarAma DIkSitar, lists under shrI, a lakSya gItam in maTya tALam (without using the note dha), a tAnam by Venkatamakhin, in maTyam, a kIrtanam by Kumara Ettappa Maharaja ( SaDAdhAra tatva vinAyaka in Adi), a sa~ncAri by Subbarama Dikshitar, and four k.rtis of Muttuswami Dikshitar (shrImUlAdhAracakra vinAyaka, tyAgarAja mahadhvajArOha, =’srIvaralakd mi, and shrIkamalAmbikE ).

· In Hindusthani music, shri rAga is entirely different; it is derived from pUrvi ThAT (equivalent of kAmavardhani), and is audava‑sampUrNa in nature. pUriyA dhanashri and

· gauri are two allied rAgams that resemble Hindusthani shri. One type of badahamsa sAraN^g of Hindusthani resembles karnaTik shri very closely.

· SaN^gIta SaMpradAya Pradarshini discusses the following janyams of the rAgAN^ga rAgam shrI:

upAN^gam: ‑‑‑ maNiraN^gu, sAlagabhairavi, shuddha dhanyAshi, kannaDa gauLa, shuddhadEshi, mALavashrI,

bhASAN^gam:‑‑‑ shrIra~njani, kApi, hushAni, b.rndAvani, saindhavi, mAdhavamanOhari, madhyamAvati, dEvamanOhari, rudrapriya, sahAna, nAyaki

7. Some Compositions in shri

varnam

sami ninne kori (Adi) (Karur Devidu Iyer)

endukina modi (Adi) (Patnam Subrahmanya Iyer)

padaM

yemmamma ye vintalu (Adi)(kSetra~jna)

manasu ninnedabhayadu (Adi)

k.rti

shrI mUlAdhAracakra (Adi) (MuttusvAmi DIkSitar)

shrI kamalAmbike (Adi) (MuttusvAmi DIkSitar)

shrI varalakSmi (Adi) (MuttusvAmi DIkSitar)

tyAgarAja mahadhvaja (Adi) (MuttusvAmi DIkSitar)

kAmEshvarE da (Adi) (MuttusvAmi DIkSitar)

shrI abhayAmba (rUpakam) (MuttusvAmi DIkSitar)

endaro mahanubhavulu (Adi) (Tyagaraja)

nAmakusuma (rUpakaM) (Tyagaraja)

yuktamu gadu (mishracApu) (Tyagaraja)

bhAyAmi nandakumAram (Adi) (SvAti TirunAL)

riNa mada dritha (Adi) (SvAti TirunAL)

karuNa ceyvAn (Adi) (Iriyamman Thampi)

maN^gaLam aruL (rUpakam) Papanasam Sivan

rAman edukku (triputa ) (Arunachala Kavi)

pAlaya mAm shrI (Bhadracala Ramadasa)

Vadavari (Adi) (Annamacharya)

vanajAsana vinuta (rUpakam) (Subbaraya Sastri)

sabha darishanam (Adi) (Gopalakrishna Bharathi)

Edukku en mItu (Adi) (Gopalakrishna Bharathi)

maravAmal (Adi) (Gopalakrishna Bharathi)

shrI bhArgavam (Adi) (Muthiah Bhagavathar)

shrI kArtikEya (Adi) (Muthiah Bhagavathar)

shrIpatE kripa seyyar (mishracApu) (Pallavi Sesha Iyer)

kanaka vela karuNAlavAla (Adi) (Kotiswara Iyer)

adhikAramundaruL (Adi) (T.Lakshmanan Pillai)

vEdanAyaka (aTa) (Vedanayakam Pillai)

kAnavEnDAmo (rUpakam) (subrahmanya Bharathi)

ambigApatim (rUpakam) (Periyasami Thuran)

bhAgyalaskmi baramma (Adi) (Purandaradasa)

dharmigu dorayendu rUpakaM) (Purandaradasa)

ninne gati (Adi) (Purandaradasa)

Of these, the song, ” endaro mahAnubhAvulu” has a greater frequency in concert halls. There ares some excellent pallavi expositions in shrI . Also, shrI often appears in the rAgamAlika svaram segments in a pallavi rendition, or more often, in the tAnam portion, when all the five ghana rAgaMs are rendered (either in tAnam, or in the rAgamAlika svara segment). But, being an auspicious rag, shrI is employed in the final piece maN^gaLam singing. Some prefer to sing the shri composition, “bhAgya lakSmi bAramma” and conclude the concert. I am not aware of any tillAna/javali in shrI. The rAgams madhyamAvati, maNiraN^gu, puSpalatika, and sAlagabhairavi are four rAgams closely related to shri. madhyamAvati is an audava‑audava rAgam with notes: sa ri ma pa ni sa; sa ni pa ma ri sa. While it almost resembles shri, the omission of the notes dha and ga in madhyamAvati makes a clear distinction. Hence while rendering madhyamAvati, care should be taken not to touch these notes even slightly. While shri has greater majesty and depth, madhyamAvati has greater number of compositions. maNiraN^gu is another janyam of kharaharapriya with scale sa ri ma pa ni sa; sa ni pa ma ga ri sa. It has the same arohaNam as madhyamAvati, but takes the note ga in avaraohaNam, which is not allowed in madhyamAvati. It omits the dha, which is present in shrI(Shree).

(Courtesy of P. P. Narayanaswami)

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March 2, 2014

Rag Chandraneel

By RAM Chandrakausika राम च 51

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March 1, 2014

Pannalal Ghosh -The Seventh Hole of Madhyama

By RAM Chandrakausika राम च 51

Pt. Pannalal Ghosh –
Wizard of the Bansuri

The Flute is called the magic voice of Krishna.
Pt. Pannalal Ghosh Flute has a magical touch of
other-worldness which is hardly to compare with
something else in the universe of sound.
Yes it,s true : the ocean of sound Nada Brahma cannot
be travelled by to a finite shore…

If there is a musical voice which covers the full depth of
the metaphysical corpse then it must be the charms of
the disemboddied flute of Pt Pannala Gosh…
vibrating an infinite desire for spiritual freedom…

RAG TODI

Two apocryphal incidents happened to young Pannalal which had an influential bearing on his later life. First, at age 9 while looking for a stick, Pannalal found a flute floating in the river. He retrieved the instrument and so began his lifelong relationship with the bansuri. Two years later, when Pannalal had gone to the cremation ground to attend the last rites of one of his schoolteachers he met a sadhu who held both a conch and a flute. The sadhu asked Pannalal if he could play the flute, and young Pannalal obliged. The sadhu gave him the flute and told the boy that music would be his salvation. This removed the doubt from the mind of little Pannalal and he selected Flute as his main
instrument

There was a political unrest in 1928, and every youth was possessed with the freedom movement. Pannalal also joined this freedom movement. He enrolled in a gymnasium where he learned martial arts, boxing, and stick fighting and practiced physical culture. Pannalal was very fond of physical culture. He became the best student and champion of this gymnasium. He became more involved in the freedom movement and the British Government started keeping a watch on his movements. So at the age of seventeen Pannalal left Barisal and went to Calcutta in search of livelihood. In the teeming metropolis he found himself without any credentials except that he was a boxing champion and had won the All Bengal competition in boxing. With his skill as a boxer and martial art expert he landed a job as a coach in an athletic club. One year later, at the age of 18, Pannnalal lost his father.

Rag SHREE

At this time Pannalal, who was already playing sitar, began to focus his attention on bansuri. Economic necessity drove him into performing music for the silent films in Calcutta. At an All India music competition he met music director and composer Anil Biswas and began to play in his musical productions. It was during one such production when Anil Biswas was directing music for a dramatization of a work by the renowned poet Kazi Nazrul Islam that Pannalal decided that he needed a bigger flute who’s pitch and sonority would be more appropriate for both classical and light music. He met an old Muslim toy vendor who was also proficient in making flutes. With his help Pannalal experimented with various materials including metal and other types of wood, but decided bamboo was still the most suitable medium for a larger instrument. He finally settled on a bansuri which was thirty two inches long, with a sa (tonic) at kali doe (the second black key on the old harmonium scale). As a flute of this size was hitherto unknown, a rumor arose that Pannalal had had surgery to cut the webbing between his fingers to facilitate the large span required to cover the finger holes of the instrument. Of course, he had no such surgery, but through dedicated riyaz (practice), Pannalal invented and perfected the technique to play the large instrument. At this time he would get his bamboo to make flutes from discarded packing materials found at Diamond Harbor, the large port of Calcutta. Deforestation had not yet consumed the forest around Calcutta, and the bamboo was believed to have grown close to the city itself. He practiced hard and perfected the technique of vocal music on flute. At this time he realized the need for meend from madhyama swar to nishad or dhaivat shrutis in ragas like Bihag, Yaman, Bageshree and many others. He experimented and invented the seventh hole of madhyama.

Rag MARWA

He became famous for his flute playing and started getting performances at the major music conferences. At this time he came in close contact with great maestros like Ustad Inayat Khan (sitar), Ustad Dabir Khan (Been), Ustad Amir Khan (sarod), Ustad Badal khan (sarangi), and vocalists such as Ustad Faiyaz Khan, Ustad Abdul Karim Khan, Ustad Majid Khan, Pt. Tarapoda Chkraborty, Pt. Bhismadev Chattopadhyay and many others. His quest for knowledge and purity of tradition made him acquire intricacies of music from these erudite musicians.

In 1936 Pannalal began working with Raichandra Boral, music director of the well known ‘New Theater’ and one year later he met his first guru, Kushi Mohammed Khan – the ‘Harmonium Wizard’. In 1938 as music director of the dance troupe of the princely kingdom of Seraikella State, Panna Babu (as he was affectionately known) was one of the first classical musicians to visit and perform in Europe, which he found rather agitating and unsettling. Soon after his return to India his guru expired. Thereafter he underwent training from Girija Shankar Chakravarti. In 1940, Pannalal moved to Bombay on the advice of his first disciple Haripada Choudhary (who had himself recently moved to Bombay). There he joined the Bombay Talkies film studio and gave music to quite a few films including ‘Basant.’ Panna Babu’s wife, Parul Biswas, (sister of Anil Biswas), was a graceful singer of kirtans who became one of the first well known playback singers for the new ‘talking’ films.

Pannalal first met the legendary Ustad Allaudin Khansahib, (reverentialy known as ‘Baba’) in 1946, when Baba came to Bombay with his disciple, Pandit Ravi Shankar. Initially, when Pannalal asked Baba to teach him Khansaheb replied, “You are already well-known, you don’t need to study more.” Pannalal implored Baba to please teach him so that he could learn “authentic music and sur.” In 1947, Pannalal’s lifelong yearning to learn music from a true guru was fulfilled when Allaudin Khansaheb , convinced of Pannalal’s sincerity to learn, accepted Pannalal as his disciple. Pannalal then accompanied Baba to his home in Maihar, where he received intensive taalim (training) from Khansaheb for the next six months. Under Baba’s firm yet understanding tutelage, he blossomed into the wizard of the bamboo reed.

Rag HANSNARAYANI

Panna Babu earned fame through his regular broadcasts on AIR (All India Radio) and his many live performances at music festivals throughout India. The eminent vocalists Ustad Fayaz Khan and Pandit Omkarnath Thakur appreciated his music very much and requested Pannalal to accompany their vocal recitals on bansuri. He was praised for his adaptation and rendering on the bansuri of the khayal-ang- gayaki (the classical vocal style), particularly influenced by the great master of the Kirana gharana, Ustad Abdul Karim Khan. Pannalal also incorporated alap, dhrupad-ang-gayaki, tantrakari, jhala, thumri, dadra and folk music into his performance style on bansuri. Well versed in tabla and rhythm, he would perform in such difficult tals as jhoomra and tilwara. His music was steeped in devotion and had an intangible ethereal element, immense emotional depth and was infused with spiritual profundity. In addition to introducing the larger instrument, Pannalal Ghosh is credited with inventing the bass bansuri and introducing the six-stringed tanpura, high-pitched tanpuri and the surpeti or sruti box into Hindustani music. He created and popularized several new ragas including Deepawali, Pushpachandrika, Chandramauli, Panchavati and Nupurdwani, as well as multitudinous vilambit and drut compositions in many well known and rare ragas.

Rag VRINDAVANI SARANG

Panna Babu practiced daily meditation and observed maun by not speaking on Thursdays. He took the vows of Ramakrishna and put his faith in music. He took Mantra Diksha from Swami Birjanandji Maharaj who was a direct disciple of Swami Vivekananda. Because of his intense spiritual practice he started loosing interest in day to day life and decided to take Sanyasa. When he expressed his desire to Swamiji, his Guru, he was told that he would attain Moksha through music only. He should practice music as religiously as his spiritual practice. His music showed total spirituality, simplicity and purity.

(Courtesy Pt. V.G. Karnad – Pt. Nityanand Haldipur -David Philipson)

Rag Khamaj Thumri

***

The Pioneer of Modern Bansuri

Pt. Pannalal Ghosh -[24 July, 1911 – 20 April, 1960]

A Brief Life Sketch

The great maestro and pioneer of Hindustani classical flute music, late Pt. Pannalal Ghosh was born on 24th July, 1911 at Barisal, now in Bangladesh. His real name was Amal Jyoti Ghosh. He was brought up in a family of musicians.

Young Pannalal was highly receptive and absorbed good music from various sources. It appears that during his young days at Barisal, Pannalal was active in the freedom struggle. He came to Kolkata during late 1920’s, thereafter shifting to Mumbai (1940) in search of better prospects for his musical career. It was in no time that the nation recognized the maestro in him. His fame and popularity transgressed linguistic and cultural boundaries. Pannalal Ghosh resided in Mumbai till 1956, before making Delhi his final destination, where he passed away on 20th April, 1960.

At Kolkata during the early 1930s, Pannababuji received musical training for two years from his first Guru, the noted harmonium player and a renowned master in classical music, Ustad Khushi Mohammed Khan, under the traditional Ganda Bandhan form of tutelage. After the sad demise of Khushi Mohammed Khan, Pannababuji studied under Pt. Girija Shankar Chakraborty, an eminent musician and musicologist. Pannababuji was influenced by the style of Ustad Abdul Karim Khan Saheb initially. The strongest influence on Pannababuji’s music came from the systematic lessons under the legendary Ustad Allaudin Khan Sahib, from the 1947.

Pannalal Ghosh was a great innovator indeed! He was the first to transform a tiny folk instrument to a novel bamboo flute (32 inches long with 7 holes) suitable for playing traditional Indian classical music, and also to uplift its stature, bringing it at par with other classical music instruments. He is also accredited with the creation of a special bass flute, and introduction of the 6-stringed Tanpura, high-pitched Tanpuri and Surpeti into Hindustani music. Pannababuji’s innovations are of great significance because there have been rare examples in the world’s modern history of music when a musical instrument was created, as well as popularly accepted along with traditionally established instruments.

Besides, he also mastered the technique of presenting heavy melodies, balancing both beauty and grammar. These Raaga are now the specialty of the flautists of his gharana (tradition). Pannababuji regularly and gracefully played the Siddha Raaga such as Abhogi, Adana, Bageshree, Bahar, Basant, Bhairavi, Bhimpalasi, Bhairav, Bhoop, Bhopal Todi, Bihag, Chandramouli, Darbari, Des, Desee, Deskaar, Gaud-Sarang, Jaunpuri, Kafi, Kedar, Khamaj, Lalit, Malkauns, Marwa, Piloo, Miyan-Malhar, Pahadi, Puriya, Puriya-Dhanashree, Puriya-Kalyan, Sarang, Shankara, Shree, Shudh-Basant, Shudha-Bhairavi, Sindhura, Tilang, Todi, Yaman and many more. He was also open to accepting new ideas. This culminated in creating and/or popularizing several Carnatic / new / uncommon / mixed Raaga such as Andolika, Chandramouli, Deepawali, Jayant, Kumari, Noopur-Dhwani, Panchavati (a Raaga-Mala), Ratna-Pushpika, Shuklapalaasi, Pushpachandrika (created by Shri. Himanshu Dutta, Kolkata), Basant-Mukhari, Shankara- Bhariyar, Miyan-Ki-Sarang, Hansa-Narayani, Hansa-Dhwani, Malay-Marutham, Shivendra- Madhyam, etc.

His playing style was a uniform and balanced blend of both, the Gayaki (vocal style) and Tantkari (stringed instrument style). This is evident from his available recordings, and also from the fact that he was very much liked not only by the eminent vocalists such as Ustad Fayyaz Khan, Pt. Omkarnath Thakur and Surashri Kesarbai Kerkar, but his understanding of the Taal (rhythm) was also appreciated by all the renowned Tabla players (percussionists) including Ustad Amir Hussain Khan, Ustad Allarakha, and Pt. Nikhil Ghosh. To quote Pt. Lalji Gokhale (disciple of Ustad Ahmad Jan Thirakwa Saheb), who accompanied Pannababuji on a large number of occasions said “it was impossible that Pannababuji would ever make a mistake in “Taal

Pannalal Ghosh, as the music director of the dance troupe of the princely kingdom of Seraikela state, visited and performed in Europe in the year late 1930’s, and was one of the first classical musicians to have crossed the boundaries of India. After joining All India Radio, Delhi, as the Conductor of the National Orchestra in 1956, he composed several path-breaking orchestral pieces including Kalinga Vijay, Rituraj, Hariyali and Jyotirmoy Amitabha. His contribution in semi-classical as well as film music also was equally important, and his name is permanently linked to many famous movies such as Anjan, Basant, Duhai, Police, Andolan, Nandkishore, Basant Bahar, Mughal-e-Azam and many more.

(Source: article contributed by Dr. Vishvas M. Kulkarni)

***

For further reading recommendations on the below abstract paper :

http://udini.proquest.com/view/pannalal-ghosh-and-the-bansuri-in-goid:763234653/

Abstract:
Pannalal Ghosh (1911-1960) is credited with the introduction of the b ansuri (North Indian bamboo flute) into Hindustani classical music in the twentieth century. While the transverse flute played a significant role in the music of India at least since the early centuries CE, it had lost its status as a prominent instrument in Indian art music several hundred years before Ghosh brought it to the forefront of Hindustani classical music. Ghosh’s achievement is considered in the context of his time in terms of the social, political, economic, technological, and musical circumstances in India, and particularly Bengal. While twentieth-century developments contributed to his success, it was ultimately through his own efforts that the b ansuri was accepted as a featured Hindustani classical instrument. By redesigning the instrument, working out a technique to emulate the subtleties of the voice, listening to diverse genres and styles of music, engaging in intensive study, and conceptualizing his own eclectic style of playing, he succeeded in convincing twentieth-century audiences that the bansuri deserved a place as a valued instrument for the performance of Hindustani classical music. His achievement also paved the way for other instruments such as shahn ai, sarangi, and sant ur to achieve similar recognition in the classical music of North India. I have drawn from elements of musical biography; Indian history; organology; music theory, transcription, and analysis; and anthropology to show how Ghosh’s career is illustrative of a broader narrative of tradition and innovation in twentieth-century Hindustani classical music. My own studies of Hindustani classical music in the lineage of Pannalal Ghosh began in 1988, and provided a foundation for much of the work in this dissertation. Interviews with former students and associaties of Pannalal Ghosh, along with several articles about his life and work, enabled me to piece together his biography. Research into the history and culture of his time provided a clearer picture of the environment that shaped his life and musical development. Transcription and analysis of performances by Ghosh and other vocalists and instrumentalists helped me to situate his music within the context of North Indian classical music in the twentieth century.

****

For a Thesis on : Tradition and Innovation in the Bansuri Performance Style of Pannalal Ghosh

please click image below…

***

THE TIMES OF INDIA, Bombay
Date: August 31, 1969

Pannalal Ghosh, the unrivalled maestro of the flute, was only 48 when he suddenly died of a heart attack in Delhi in 1960. He was a virtually self-taught musician. Strange but true, he had not found his real guru, Acharya Allauddin Khan, till he was 36. But he had made his mark as a gifted flutist when New Theatres, the renowned film studio in Calcutta, spotted his talent, and employed him on its orchestral staff for background music in 1934.This proved fruitful in two ways. For it was here that Pannababu met Raichand Boral, the famed composer and music director, and Khushi Mohammad Khan, the noted harmonist. While the former initiated him into the mysteries of film music and orchestration, the latter gave him systematic instruction in flute playing, Another great composer from whom he benefited was Himanshu Dutt.

Looking back, it would appear that music beckoned to Pannababu when he was only seven — an age when most boys are occupied with games and other diversions of childhood. And while he played simple, breezy tunes to the delight of the local village folk of Barisal (now in Bangladesh), his inventive genius toyed with the idea of extending the tonal capabilities of his flute as a medium. of classical music. [Thus followed a systematic study of its structure and technique. This led him to try a variety of material from aluminum and brass to plastic and bamboo, one-after another, in equally varied shapes and sizes, before he decided on the last, and added a seventh playing hole to evolve the flute he had long visualized. He then developed and perfected a style of’ playing that marked a radical departure from the centuries-old style of music.

Private collection of Mohan D. Nadkarni/

Pannalal Ghosh
In performance at the first Mumbai Tajya sageet-Mritya Mahotsava in Mumbai in 1956. Accompanying him is V.G. Karnad (on his right) and Nikhil Ghosh, his eminent younger brother on the tabla (to his extreme left)

This was in the mid-thirties, at a time when no one even had foreseen the possibility of harnessing the bansuri as an effective instrument for the unfolding of elaborate classical melodies. The listeners were struck as much by the tonal quality of his flute as by the range and variety of his improvisation. So perfect was its adaptation to classical articulation that it could afford the illimitable nuances of the human voice with a naturalness all its own. In point of depth, range and volume, it could vie with plucked instruments like the veena, the sitar and the sarod. Before long did his originality and virtuosity in enlarging the scope of his medium to wider panoramas of musical form and design bring him distinction as a pioneer in the introduction of gayaki to the woodwind.

As said earlier, it was Acharya Allauddin Khan who exerted the strongest influence on the development of Pannababu’s idiom. That explains why his style presented so unique a blend of technique and temperament, of authenticity and appeal — which constitute the hallmark of the Acharya’s Senia parampara.

Pannababu was a deeply religious man. He had his spiritual initiation from Swami Birajananda, a direct disciple of Swami Vivekananda. The profound influence of the teachings of – Paramahamsa Sri Ramakrishna had shaped his character and personality. Added to this was also the mystical element he inherited from Acharya Allauddin Khan. Not surprisingly, his music generated a mood of spiritual awareness in the listener. Passage after passage that he played came to us as the utterance of a deeply moved soul.

Pannababu’s contribution to the enrichment of the raga repertory of north India showed a rare synthesis of tradition and experiment again the result of the Acharya’s influence on him. His new creations like Deepavali, Jayant, Chandra-Mauli and Nupur-dhvani, to name a few were marked by structural authenticity and enduring appeal. So were his thematic compositions which he offered us as conductor of National Orchestra of AIR at Delhi. It is important to remember that he had proved his mettle as composer and music director much earlier during his association with Bombay Talkies before he met Acharya Allauddin Khan.

(Courtesy Pannalal Ghosh Mohan D. Nadkarni 1969)

***
The Bansuri: A History

Krishna is a Hindu deity, worshipped as an incarnation of Vishnu. Krishna is know as the divine charmer who played flute and through his music, caused many to fall in love with him. Many believe that the North Indian bamboo flute is sacred, and only those who are very blessed
and very spiritually inspired can “pick up the most pristine and natural instrument in their mortal hands and go on to make divine music with it” (Roy, 72). Lord Krishna is also called Murlidhar
or “the flute-holder” is told of in stories about his flute playing and seduction of women to his divinity. Many in the Hindu faith believe that Krishna’s flute playing represents the human soul yearning for union with the divine lover.

The transverse (held across or side blown) flute is found in almost every culture. The bamboo transverse flute is found in Asia and the West Indies. The bansuri is not the only North India bamboo flute, but is commonly the concert-flute or the classical flute of North Indian music. First millennium BC history cites flute, harp, and drum in Vedic rituals. Vedic text is the
oldest layer of Sanskrit literature and the oldest scripture of Hinduism. “The flute is, perhaps, one of the oldest instruments in the world, making an appearance iconographically in Egypt around 4000 BC” (Potter, 30). Buddhist sculptures showed flutes being played by humans, men and
women, celestial beings, instrumental ensembles and accompanying vocal music, chamber music and in the court and temples. “The Sufis (members of mystical sects of Islam, the earliest dating
from 8th century Persia) believe that the flute and the man of God are one and the same” (Potter, 37). The Santal tribes of North India (the largest tribal community of India) believe that the flute
connects the mortal humans with supernatural forces. The flute is a very important instrument in Indian culture; many poets such as Sarojini Naidu wrote about the flute.

After the Muslim invasions of India that began in the 12th century, the bansuri disappeared as a court instrument
but remained common in the folk tradition the states of Bengal, Orissa, and Assam.

The Bansuri’s Structure

The Bansuri flute is a North Indian classical instrument that may be performed in many different venues, in many different genres, and in many different ensembles. The bansuri is a
cylindrical tube with a uniform bore made from a single piece of straight, smooth bamboo that is free of notches. The concert bansuri is usually between 60 and 90 centimeters and 25 millimeters
in diameter, but the bansuri flute can be of many different lengths (especially in folk music traditions). The top end is closed (either naturally or with a cork stopper) and the lower end is
open. The placement of the finger holes are dependent upon the tuning of the instrument, but there is a mouth hole at the top and usually six finger holes. There is also often a small hole at
the end of the flute for tuning. The bansuri can be made in any pitch. Flutes used for folk and popular music are often higher pitched than classical bansuri flutes, which are often pitched at
E-1.

Instrument Making

The bansuri is made from special bambo that has large cross-sections (large spaces between notches). It is believed that Assam, a state in north-eastern India, produces the highest
quality bamboo. The bamboo is cut after the rainy season and left to dry for months. One end is corked after the bamboo in cleaned and holes are pierced by a red hot iron rod. After the mouth
hole is created, the finger holes are created in relation to the pitch created from the moth hole. Sometimes oils, such as mustard and coconut, are used on the inside of the bamboo to keep the
instrument from drying out and cracking. According to Catherine Potter, instruments are commonly made by flutists themselves who are self taught. However, there is an American flute maker at the Ali Akbar Khan School of Indian Classical Music in St. Raphael, California who
makes some of the best bansuri that are often ordered from professional flutists in India.

Modern Bansuri

The bansuri is used for classical, folk, and popular performances of North India. Often, the bansuri is a solo instrument accompanied by table and tanpura, and sometimes a second
bansuri becomes an echo of the solo bansuri. The bansuri only became a stage performing instrument in the twentieth century. There are no established stylistic schools of bansuri like with
vocalists and stringed instrumentalists. Many of today’s great flutists such as Pannalal Ghosh, Vijay Ragha Roa, Hariprasad Chaurasia, and Nityanand Hadipur did not study with flutists but
other instrumentalists.

Performing on the Bansuri

The following teachings are based on books by Lyon Leifer who studied with Pandit Pannalal Ghosh and Catherine Potter who studied with Pandit Hariprasad Chaurasia. Notation of
North Indian classical music is rare because of the depth of their aural tradition. However, the notation that is used is Bhatkande notation using swara syllables. Swara syllables are similar to
the western tradition of solfege and include the syllable sa, re, ga, ma, pa, dha, ni, and sa. The bansuri can have six or seven holes. The advantage of seven holes according to the Ghosh/
Murdeshwar school is as follows: Additional half-step of low range; immensely greater flexibility in treating the register break; and register breaks can make gliding difficult, so the
seventh hole is advantageous for ease of register breaks. Lyon Leifer details the advantage of six holes as being only one: Prevents the performer from having to stretch the right hand for the seventh hole. When playing in an ensemble, the other instruments that will play with the bansuri will tune according to the pitch of the given bansuri. The bansuri is played while sitting cross legged, horizontally, either to the left or to the right. The first hand facing in towards the musician and the second hand (furthest away) is palm out. The first three fingers of each hand are used to cover the holes and sometimes the middle part of the finger is used to cover. Microtonal ornamentation and sliding is often used. Bansuri flutes can play at least two and a half octaves, the upper octaves are achieved by overblowing to the harmonics. Bansuri flutes do not have perfect intonation, so tuning is often done with compensation from the embouchure and the turning of the flute in or out to push the airstream further in the hole or further across the hole. Below, is a bansuri fingering chart from Catherine Potter’s Hariprasad Chaurasia: The Individual and the North Indian Classical Music Tradition. Staging can often be the ensemble sitting center stage, the tabla player stage left, and two tanpuras behind the bansuri player.

While playing the bansuri, the fingers may cover the holes with second phalanx of the fingers, which facilitates covering the holes that are large distances apart. The holes can be
partially uncovered to produce different intonation, slides, microtonal effects. However, there are bansuri players who use the pads of their fingertips to cover the holes of the bansuri, and this
may be more comfortable at first for the western flutist when making the shift from the Boehm flute to the bansuri. Below is an image of finger placement on a bansuri using the second phalanx from Catherine Potter’s Hariprasad Chaurasia: The Individual and the North Indian Classical Music Tradition.

As stated by Catherine Potter, Chaurasia’s idea of a “good bansuri sound” is strong vibrato, full tone, use of dynamics, and the use of sustained tones. According to Potter, tone quality is actually more encouraged in film music rather than classical music, but Chaurasia encourages his classical students to produce full, strong tone quality.

Holding the Bansuri

The bansuri, unlike the Boehm flute, can be held to either the right or left side of the performer. If held to the right, the left hand is placed on the instrument first (first as in closest to
the face), palm in, thumb supporting the bansuri away from the palm, index finger straight and angled toward the tone hole. The first three fingers of left hand are placed on the first three holes.
Then, the right hand is placed second (furthest away from the face), palm out, fingers flat, some use the tip of the fingers to cover the holes, others use the second phalanx. The little finger of the
right hand must angle out from the hand in order to reach the seventh tone hole. The seventh tone hole is reached by keeping the forearm and hand in-line (wrist not flexed) and rotate them
together.

Bansuri Ornamentation

There are many different types of ornamentations used in Hindustani music, and many of the instrumental ornamentations are based on vocal genres. However, after listening to many bansuri recordings and watching many videos, I have collected a few ideas: Pitches can
ornamented by physically moving the bansuri up and down and with side to side motions to effect the embouchure placement. Mind (or meend) is produced by slowly rolling the finger in a
circular motion to gradually open and close the hole. Kana is produced by sliding the fingers over or off the hole after blowing. Gamaka is produced by approaching each pitch from above by
using the kana technique in combination with embouchure movement and air movement. Gamak is an oscillation between two notes (usually a diatonic step apart) like a tremolo. Taan is
improvised variations including rapid variation in accordance with the raga.
(…)

Double note paltas are patterns with a repeated note that is separated by a lower Register shifts are another important ornamentation but considered more of a theme and variations and includes performing one idea and performing it again but in a different register. Andolan is an ornamentation where given scale degrees oscillate between a particular microtonal position of the scale and another, slightly lower position. Andolan is performed by Rocking the finger which produces the relevant scale degree very slightly back and forth in its normal direction of closure and opening. Articulation is another important aspect of not only ornamenting but of the overall performance of a raga. Articulations that are commonly used include: Legato phrasing, pitches connected with mind (meend), single, double, triple tonguing, and slightly detached to staccato.

( Excerption Courtesy by Kelly Mullins )

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February 24, 2014

The Gharanas of India

By RAM Chandrakausika राम च 51

Music and Society

Introduction to Indian Musical Dynasties

This page aim to provide a general introduction on the traditional Indian musical institution called gharana. Indian Classical music can be described a religion whereby the music, knowledge and musical research was traditionally passed down from guru to disciple by word of mouth. In many old musical families the guru or teacher, is the father and the disciple or student, the son. A gharana, or musical dynasty is formed when this process of teaching is passed down for five or six generations. There are two types of gharana in India, direct gharanas in which music has remained within a family and indirect gharanas, where in the absence of sons or musically talented sons, the teacher chooses to pass on his knowledge to a talented student. In India there are very few direct or true gharanas left. Students will find here few articles written by renowned specialists in the field of Indian classical music.

THE GHARANA

David Courtney, Ph.D.

The concept of gharana was peculiar to North Indian music. The word “Gharana” literally means “house” and it implies the house of the teacher. It was linked to the very ancient concept of the Guru-Shishya-Parampara (linage of teacher /disciple) but it had some interesting twists. The names of the gharanas were almost always derived from a geographical location. This was usually the city, district or state that the founder lived in. Two examples are the Gwalior Gharana (vocal) or the Farukhabad Gharana (tabla). The gharana system as we think of it today was not really very old. Most of the gharanas began not more than 100-300 years old. The modern gharanas were generally traceable to the period when the Mogul empire collapsed. Gharanas were found throughout the North in every field of dance, vocal and instrumental music. They tend to be distinct among themselves. That is to say that you generally do not find tabla players saying that they are from a vocal gharana or a vocalist claiming to come from a kathak gharana. This is reasonable. One would not expect an accountant to use his golf skills as and endorsement of his abilities as an accountant. In the professional sense a gharana had some of the characteristics of a guild. It was always understood that tracing ones linage to a major gharana was a prerequisite for obtaining a position in the royal courts. The gharanas were entrusted with the duty of maintaining a certain standard of musicianship. In the artistic sense the gharana was somewhat comparable to a “style” or “school”. Over the years poor transportation and communication caused the various gharanas to adopt their own particular approach to presentation, technique and repertoire. In the 20th century the gharana system had a negative impact on the standard of musicianship. Improvements in communications made it a professional imperative for musicians to have as broad of a background as possible. The secretive nature of the gharana system coupled with the fact that gharanas tended to specialize in only one technique or approach was inconsistent with modern pedagogic and professional requirements. In the end of the 20th century, musicians who proclaim loudest that they were “such-and-such” gharana often had the least rounded background. It is for this reason that many of the aspects of this system were abandoned by modern music colleges in India. Today the gharana exists in its vestigial form. Although musicians routinely declare that they are such and such gharana, it usually has no practical meaning. The loss of royal patronage coupled with the loss of artistic identity have virtually destroyed the system. Gharana is used in Hindi and Urdu to refer to the core component in the organizational structure of North Indian (or Hindustani) music and dance, in other words a family of hereditary occupational specialists. Traditionally the gharana is headed by an authoritative musician-teacher called the Khalifa, and comprises members related by blood and/or musical knowledge (talim). David Courtney, Ph.D. has been performing on the tabla since 1972. He first studied pakhawaj (an ancient barrel shaped drum) under the famous Zakir Hussain at the Ali Akbar College of Music. He then moved to India and spent a number of years learning tabla under the late Ustad Shaik Dawood Khan of Hyderabad. He has performed extensively on stage, TV, disk, and radio, in India, Europe and the United States. Along with his wife, he composed the theme music for Houston’s Indian TV program called “ASIANA” and recorded the theme music for the radio program “INDIA FILE” which aired in the Austin area. He has accompanied many great musicians including Ashish Khan, Lakshmi Shankar, and Pandit Jasraj He is well versed in the academic side of music. During the 80s he received great acclaim in academic circles for his pioneering work in the application of computers to Indian music. This work is found in his doctoral dissertation “A Low Cost System for the Computerization of North Indian Classical Music”. He is the author of numerous books and articles on the subject of Indian music including, Introduction to Tabla, Elementary North Indian Vocal, Learning the Tabla, Fundamentals of Tabla, Advanced Theory of Tabla, Manufacture and Repair of Tabla and Focus on the Kaidas of Tabla. His articles have appeared in “Modern Drummer” and “Percussive Notes”. He is presently on the Board of Directors of the Texas Institute for Indian Studies. Recently along with his wife Chandra, he was given an award of recognition for outstanding contributions to the arts by the American Telugu Association. He is very active today in musical activities. He is an artist with Young Audiences. He is also the percussionist in the fusion group Vani, and has several CDs to his credit. Recently he composed and performed some music for the film “Dancing in Twilight”, a film staring Erick Avari, Louise Fletcher, Mimi Rogers, Kal Penn, Sheetal Shet. *

Genealogical musings A brief discussion of the Delhi tabla gharana

James Kippen Delhi has been a locus for tabla playing since the early to mid-eighteenth century. Many people argue it was “invented” there, and that its inventor’s lineage is the oldest continuous tabla tradition. This is a brief outline of the Delhi lineage, including genealogical information and a little historical analysis/commentary. The information comes largely from the gharana’s khalifa, or head, the late Ustad Inam Ali Khan and his uncle, Ustad Munnu Khan. It was collected during the early 1980s, and recorded interviews with these gharana members took place in Delhi in April 1984. I hope to add further information about the repertoire as time goes on. Caveat: I do not wish to get into a debate with my friend Daniel Neuman (The Life of Music in North India. New Delhi: Manohar, 1980) about the validity of the term “gharana” for tabla lineages. He and others know my views, and I am using the term here as those Delhi informants used it when speaking directly with me in the Urdu language. I am aware that the term came into existence only around the end of the nineteenth century, that it was used primarily by “soloists” (using Neuman’s term), and that “accompanists” like tabla players probably began using the term to validate their knowledge, raise their music to the status of an art, and to elevate their own social status. As with all genealogies, the one I give here is incomplete and probably somewhat selective. In anthropology we call this kind of selectivity “structural amnesia”. I take the view that history is a reconstruction of the past that justifies the present. Notwithstanding, my primary source was the genealogy I saw written in Urdu. I read and speak Urdu, and I have therefore been able to verify what Delhi gharana members believe to be true. Whether the document reflects this knowledge, or the knowledge has been crystallized because this version of the family tree exists on paper, is worthy of a future debate. Origins No documentary evidence yet exists for the “invention” of tabla. Many scholars have tried to show either that (1) tabla existed over 2,000 years ago (temple carvings seem to indicate horizontally played drums, but alas with no organological similarity), or that (2) tabla resulted from the chopping in half of a pakhavaj. The pakhavaj theory has some credibility because of the similarity of the smaller head of that drum to the right head of the tabla pair (dahina, dayan, or simply tabla). As the excellent study of tabla by Rebecca Stewart has suggested (The Tabla in Perspective. Unpublished thesis, UCLA, 1974), tabla was most likely a hybrid drum set resulting from experiments with and adaptations of existing drums such as pakhavaj, dholak, and naqqara. The origins of tabla repertoire and technique may be found in all three, and in physical structure and playing technique there are also elements of all three: for example, the smaller pakhavaj head for the dahina, the naqqara kettledrum for the bayan, and the flexible use of the bass of the dholak. Tabla first appears in writings and in miniatures from the 1740s on. We therefore assume tabla to have first appeared sometime in the early eighteenth century. The first tabla players were undoubtedly also experts on other drums. Socially these early tabla musicians were mainly from the Dhari community (Mirasi “caste”). Some were Sunni Muslims, but a large and significant group belonged to (or at some stage had opted to convert from Hinduism to) the Shia Muslim sect. One of these Shias was Sudhar Khan Dhari. Sudhar Khan is the earliest tabla player we know of through genealogical record, and many believe he was responsible for creating this instrument. Sudhar Khan is the forefather to whom members of the Delhi tabla lineage trace their ancestry. It seems natural, therefore, that Sudhar Khan would be attributed with the tabla’s invention by default. Genealogy It is not easy to visualize a family tree from a linear description such as the one I provide below. There is a graphic representation on page 68 my book, The Tabla of Lucknow, Cambridge University Press, 1988. However, it can be quite useful and instructive if readers map out the relationships for themselves on a sheet of paper. Sudhar Khan Dhari had two sons: Chote Khan and Husain Khan. Let us deal with the younger son first, Husain Khan. On the Delhi genealogical chart I saw noted that Husain Khan had four sons, only one of whom was named: Chajju Khan. Both Delhi and Lucknow lore tell of two brothers from Delhi leaving to seek patronage in Lucknow. One of these brothers might well have been the founder of the Lucknow tabla gharana, Miyan Bakhshu Khan Dhari. There is a professed clan linkage between Delhi and Lucknow, and they are both Shia. However, somewhat confusingly, Lucknow lore tells of Bakhshu Khan arriving in Lucknow from Qasur in the Panjab (now in Pakistan, just south of Lahore). Chote Khan had three sons: Bugara Khan, Chand Khan, and Lalle Masit Khan. Bugara Khan had two sons: Shitab Ali Khan and Gulab Ali Khan. Chand Khan had no sons. Lalle Masit Khan had one son, Nanne Khan, who in turn had no sons. Shitab Ali Khan had two sons: Muhammad Khan and Nazar Ali Khan. Gulab Ali Khan had no sons. Muhammad Khan had one son: Chote Khan. Nazar Ali Khan had no sons. Chote Khan had two sons: Gamay Khan (1883-1958) and Munnu Khan (?1900-90?), who was one of my informants. Gamay Khan had one son: Inam Ali Khan (1924-90), who was my other informant. Inam Ali has several sons, but the only one who plays tabla is Ghulam Haider Khan (though reports suggest he is not particularly accomplished). There is another twist in the genealogy. Remember Bugara Khan had two sons? He also had a daughter (her name not recorded) who was married to one Makkhu Khan. Makkhu Khan had a son, Bare Kale Khan. Bare Kale Khan had a son, Wali Bakhsh Khan (? some uncertainty about the name). Wali Bakhsh Khan had a son, Natthu Khan. Natthu Khan (1875-1940) was one of the great players of his age. Wali Bakhsh Khan also had a daughter who married Gamay Khan. Now perhaps you see what I mean about structural amnesia. Everything in this lineage explains the evolution of Ustad Inam Ali Khan and his links to the two Delhi greats of recent times: Gamay Khan and Natthu Khan. Whether all these other ancestors actually had no sons is debatable. Also, women do not figure in the genealogical tree unless they justify the existence of certain male figures. Many of these female links could indeed be important, specially since there is in Indian Muslim society a pattern of endogamous (i.e. within the clan) marriage. Nevertheless, there is likely to be a high degree of accuracy in the names and relationships that are mentioned, even if it is selective. And as for dates, no one is very clear about this but it seems reasonable to suggest that Sudhar Khan Dhari was born in the early 1700s. By adding 30 years (as an average) for each generation thereafter one obtains a reasonable diachronic mapping of generations to the present day. There has been no mention so far of Latif Ahmed Khan (1941-90), arguably one of the greatest tabla players of the 20th century, though in later years he suffered greatly from alcohol abuse and died an untimely death. A Sunni Muslim, he was a disciple of both Gamay Khan and Inam Ali, though relationships with Inam Ali soured in later years. My assessment is that this tabla tradition died with Inam Ali and Latif Ahmed. They in turn left a number of disciples in India and Europe, but none that I know of has the range of knowledge or the technique to project that knowledge as a living performance tradition into the future. James Kippen teaches a range of ethnomusicology courses at the University of Toronto. He studied Social Anthropology and Ethnomusicology under John Blacking and John Baily at Queen’s University, Belfast. His doctoral research in Lucknow, India, dealt with tabla drumming in its socio-cultural context, particularly as interpreted by his teacher, the hereditary master Afaq Hussain Khan; the study was later published as The Tabla of Lucknow: A Cultural Analysis of a Musical Tradition (Cambridge University Press, 1988). He held two post-doctoral fellowships for computer-assisted musical analysis, and taught Anthropology and Ethnomusicology courses at Queen’s before joining the University of Toronto in January 1990. Since then he has been awarded two major research grants from the Social Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada to pursue an investigation of cultural concepts of time in Indian music and society, and the changing theory and practice of rhythm and metre in Hindustani music. He continues to study and practise both tabla and pakhavaj drums. James Kippen has published in a variety of scholarly journals such as Anthropological Quarterly, Music Perception, Computers and the Humanities, Minds and Machines, World of Music, Journal of the Indian Musicological Society, Asian Music etc., and has contributed a key article on North Indian metric theory and drumming to the Garland Encyclopedia of World Music. His most recent book, Gurudev’s Drumming Legacy: Music, Theory and Nationalism in the Mrdang aur Tabla Vadanpaddhati of Gurudev Patwardhan, translates, transcribes and analyses an early reformist text on Indian drumming, and places the work in rich historical and socio-cultural contexts. It is soon to be published late in 2005 by Ashgate as part of its School of Oriental and African Studies Musicology Series. *

The Gwalior Gharana

In the history of Hindustani classical music Gwalior stands out as prominently as, if not more than Delhi, Luck now, Rampur, Jaipur and Deccan-Hyderabad. The traditions of this music are inextricably associated with Gwalior. Our sources of information about the modes of Indian music prior to the Muslim period are scanty and so our notions on them are rather hazy. The “Bharatha Natya Sastra” of Bharat Muni, the “Brihaddesi” by Matanga and “Sangeetaratnakara” are the earliest treatises we have. It was during the Muslim period that the music that we now call Hindustani music blossomed, thanks to unforgettable names like Amir Khusro, who not only invented and introduced new ragas, tolas and instruments, but effectively blended Persian touches into Indian music. “Art being a living organism, it is bound to expand” and music being pre-eminently an Art, it is of an extremely changing nature. Musical fashions, like all other fashions, have always undergone change after change and have been molded and remolded to suit changed tastes and trends through every era. In this process, Hindustani music, as it is to-day stands inseparably associated with, and deeply indebted to Gwalior. Dhrupad: The inception of music all over the world has been from Religion. In today’s classical music, the ‘Dhrupad” occupies the most exalted place, and this originated from the old “Temple-music”. It has, therefore, had a long and checkered history. Its themes are sometimes devotional, sometimes didactic, sometimes descriptive (of the beauties of creation), sometimes heroic (recital of heroic actions); they may also pertain to Puranic stories or Divine Romances. But these Dhrupads having originated from the ancient Prabandhas (in Sanskrit and other provincial languages), and being sung in temples, we do not know how far these old Dhrupads afforded scope for the display of musical skill. To Raja Man Singh Tomar of Gwalior goes the credit for making them part of classical music and thus popularising them. Rajah Man is remembered to this day as one of the greatest patrons, scholars, and lovers of music we have ever had. Memorials to his patronage of music are still visible in Gwalior. Once, he summoned a great conference of artists and musicians) and the essence of the valuable discussions held there has been compiled by him into a book, “Wanakutuhal.” It throws valuable light on the condition of music in the early Muhammadan period, and is still available for reference in certain State libraries. The Dhrupad-style of singing was a great contribution of the Gwalior school to Hindustani ‘ragdari’ (Classical) music. This brings us to the eve of the brightest period in the history of Hindustani music – the era of Tansen and his illustrious descendants. Tansen In the history of Indian Music, who has not heard the immortal name of Tansen? He was justly idolised in his time, and today we worship him almost as a saint. He was the greatest of all Dhrupadiyas (a Kalawant) and was a product or the Gwalior school of music. Originally he was a Gaud Brahmin and his name was Tanna Misra (son of Makarand Pande). He became the disciple of Swami Haridas Dagur of Brindaban. Still later, he came under the influence of a great Muslim Saint or Pir, Mohammad Ghaus of Gwalior under whose guidance, Tansen achieved unprecedented fame. His fame spread so far and wide. that Emperor Akbar personally fetched him to his Court and kept him in the highest esteem. Tansen and his descendants were strict Dhrupadiyas and have been the leaders of, and authorities on, Hindustani classical music. Adarang and Sadarang Nyamathkhan and Naubatkhati who later on adorned the court of Mohmad Shah of Delhi, were Tansen’s descendants and naturally Dhrupadiyas. But Dhrupad-singing, as it existed then, was bound down by strict and scientific rules which left very little scope for the singer to show his flights of fancy. Moreover, the particular type of voice necessary for Dhrupad singing is very difficult to cultivate. Hence the Khayals. The slow Khayals were patterned very much like the Dhrupads but in such a way as to afford plenty of scope for alap-singing, tanas, and other niceties along with the composition. Khayals, as such, existed long before Adarang and Sadarang. The fast Khayals were based on the Qawwal style and were thus the contribution of the Qawwal Bani. But the credit for composing hundreds of Khayals and popularising thumri forever goes to Sadarang and Adarang. Nyamat and Naubat assumed the pseudonyms Adarang and Sadarang while composing their Khayals, and it is by these pseudonyms, rather than by their real names, that they are known today. In many khayals, they have mentioned the name of their patron Mohammed Shah. They composed hundreds of khayals and taught them to their disciples. These khayals have come down to us, and to-day, not a day goes without our hearing- their immortal names in some khayal or other. 01′ the three kinds of khayals, the slow (vilambit) khayals were modeled after the Dhrupads, whereas the medium (Madhyalaya) and fast (drut) ones were couched in the Qawwal Vani The originator of Qawwalis was Amir Khusru, the versatile poet-cum-musician-cum-statesman. As Islam forbade music strictly, these Qawwalis or Muslim Bhajans were composed for purely devotional recitations are the model of the Hindu Bhajans that existed already. Gradually, however, there arose a class of professionals who earned their livelihood by Qawwali-singing. These singers known as “Qawwals”-began to make free use of “tans” and “paltas” in the course of Qawwal-singing. Out of these “Qawwals”, Adarang, Sadarang and Manarang composed their beautiful rnadhyalaya and drut khayals. What Amir Khusro and his followers contributed to Indian music arc probably the modes of expression, the style, the broad open-mouthed voice-production, tanas, liquid pronunciation of words and so forth which have certainly made the music quite effective. Bye and bye, however, these. khayals became so popular as to oust the Dhrupads! To-day one notes with immense regret that Dhrupad-singing is almost becoming extinct. The day the Dhrupads regain their old popularity will be an auspicious day for our Music. For, training in Dhrupad-singing alone can make the voice at once steady, strong, full-throated and sweet. Lately, however, quite a few seem to have been attracted by the sublime words and meanings of Dhrupads. This is a healthy and hopeful augury. The names of Bade Muhammad Khan; Haddu, Hassu, Nathu and Wazirkhans, Tanaraskhan, Mahmud Ali, Ali Bux, Miyajan, etc., are unforgettable. Of these, Haddu, Hassu and Bade Muhammad Khan were court-musicians of Gwalior. This last was the son of Shakkar Khan and considered peerless in the matter of tan-singing-. He was employed as court-musician (on a four-digit salary) by Daulat Rao Scindia ! He sang khayals in the Qawwali style, i.e., with various delicacies and dexterity. In the same durbar were Kadir Bux’s 3 sons, Haddu, Hassu and Nathu who won precocious mastery in music at very early ages. They were Khayalists of the elaborate Kalavant style. Later on, they evolved a beautiful and exquisite combination of the Kalavant and Qawwali styles of Khayal-singing. It is- interesting to note that this unique combination too should have been evolved in Tansen’s birth place ! Is it then, any wonder that Khayal singers have looked upon Gwalior as a sort of sacred-spot? It was the birth-place of the Dhrupad and the Khayal as well as of all the eminent Dhrupadiyas and Khayalists. Nearly all the reputed musicians of Akbar’s court were from Gwalior. It gave us Tansen. *

Maharashtrian Musicians at Gwalior

The popularization of classical music in Maharashtra began through Gwalior. The Maharashtrian-Brahmin singers of Gwalior were greatly benefited by the current Gwalior school of music. Many of the pupils of Hassu and Haddu were Maharashtrian Brahmins among whom were eminent singers like Babasabib Dixit, Vasudeva Rou Joshi, and Balasoheb Curuji. Their disciples have preserved classical traditions to a great extent. We also owe a lot to the Maharashtrian disciples of Nissar Hussain (of Hassu-Haddu family). The late reputed musician Shanker.Rao Pandit was a favourite pupil of his. Music-lovers still recall Shanker Pandit’s name with great love and respect. His son Krishna Rao Shanker Pandit is today a court musician of Gwalior, and is running a Music school in his father’s name-“Shanker Gandbarv Vidyalaya”. Raja Bhaiyya Poonchwale:-the Principal of the “Madho Sangeet Mahavidyalaya” is another reputed disciple of Shanker Pandit. He had the privilege of learning a large number of Dhrupads from the great Dhrupadiya, Wamanbuva Deshpande ; and later on, Khayals from Shanker Pandit. What was more, since the opening of the Pandit music school, he was fox- a long time able to avail himself of Bhatkhand ji’s valuable association and Guidance -thanks to which today raja Bhaiya is regarded as a skilled singer and a learned scholar in the art of music. Chaturpandit Bhatkhandeji:-The Madho Sangeet Mahavidyalaya is the triumphant fruit of Guruvarya Bhatkhandeji’s selfless endeavours and a proof of Madhav Rao Mahara ‘s lofty musical tastes and patronage of music. This and similar schools of music have contributed in no small measure to the revival of interest in classical music which had cooled down to a deplorable level. Among the long array of Maharashtrian musicians who went to Gwalior and achieved -commendable mastery over the Gwalior-style of ragdari sangeet, comes the name of Balkrishnabuva-a pupil of Vasudevrau Joshi (Hassu’s [pupil)- After under going a prolonged training, he returned to his native town and devoted the rest of his life rekindling musical tastes among his people. The most eminent of his pupils of course was Vishnu Diagambar Paluskar whose name is familiar to all. We all know how ceaselessly lie strove to popularise music by establishing music schools at various places. But his training and efforts were not comprehensive. The limitation may have been due to the queer circumstances of those days when musicians selfishly concealed their art. Anyway Digambar did revive interest in one aspect of our music-namely, the devotional aspect of it (Bhajans) and for this we shall be always grateful to him. Balakrishnabuva’s son Annabuva was a good musician but he died prematurely. The former’s disciples Anantbuva Joshi of Oundh and Mirasibuva of Poona are two of our contemporaries. They have tried to Preserve the musical traditions of their schools. Another pupil is Gunduhiiva whose son is still the court musician of Ichalkaran” Classical music penetrated into Maharashtra from Gwalior, but since its penetration there, it has undergone numerous changes, under various influences. For instance, good musicians of Aera, Delhi, Jaipur etc., migrated into the big cities of India (Bombay, Calcutta and Madras ) when they ceased to get royal patronage ; and in these big cities they were forced to earn their livelihood by giving music performances. The names of Tanaraskhan, Haider Khan, Nath ti Khan, Mahmud Khan, Miyajan, etc., are familiar in this connection. They have influenced music in Maharashtra to a great extent. Though the original G Gwalior-style is rarely to be heard in its pristine purity today, the traditions have been preserved to some extent luckily. Characteristics of the Gwalior style:-Some of the requisites of good Khayal-singing are:-a clear-cut presentation of “Asthai” and “Antara” (the 2 portions of the songs) with proper pauses, a skillfully slow pace, and proper combinations of Swaras (notes) and Sahitya (words). Those who have luckily had training in the Gwalior-style of Khayal singing are very particular about the niffat presentation of the “asthayi” and “antara” at the very outset. Inability to do this, is rightly considered disgraceful by them, and so they pay special attention to the neat presentation of the song with correct pronunciation of the words. “Alap” at the outset is usually done in “akar” (without words) but consistent with the tempo of the song. After finishing slow alaps, the speed is slowly increased, and what is known as Bol-alaps (words of the song deftly presented in various combinations of notes) are started. Cleverly the Bol-tans (words woven into quick combinations of notes) and plain tans are introduced. When the tempo and pace have been somewhat quickened, the skilled musician harmoniously passes on to a quicker song (drut) or a fast “tarana” in the same raga. In the fast Khayal also, the parts of the song are legibly presented at first, after which the singer begins his extempore elaborations, rapid tans and various other beautiful intricacies and delicate embellishments which afford plenty of scope for the display of personal skill, or industry. The tans of the Gwalior school are justly famous and admired. ‘The tans are straight, clear, full-throated and varied. Effective little “running passages of notes” are interwoven into the Khayals. On the whole, there is something extremely dignified and impressive about the Gwalior-style of classical music. “Musical Gwalior” that was! – There had been a time when Gwalior used to be so intensely music-mad that “the very leaves would not tremble but to the sounds of music,”. Music-festivals used to be part of the daily routine in the durbars. The Princes and the people were alike absorbed in the ecstatic enjoyment and appreciation of music day and night. Even half-clad street-urchins would try to hum tans “Will that idyllic state of affairs ever come back to be” one wonders…….. Bye and bye the zeal for khayal-singing and for classical music began to flag and ebb to a very low level, because good musicians (like Nisar Hussain Khan, Rahmat Khan, and other Brahmin singers) began to become thorough stay-at-homes, teaching only those who went to them in their seclusion. Under such circumstances, one cannot guess what would have become of the Gwalior -style of classical music, had not Pandit Bhatkhandeji dedicated his life to the revival of classical music and succeeded in opening the Classical Music colleges at Gwalior and Lucknow whose branches have sprouted up in numerous other cities now, like Bombay, Calcutta and so on. *

The Sarod Gharanas of India

S. P. Bhattacharyya

In this article we discuss, informally, the evolution of the Sarode and the art of Sarode playing as developed by some outstanding musicians and Gharanas (musical families) of the North Indian classical music tradition, over the last four hundred years. GHARANAS OR STYLES Khayal music is represented by a number of more or less stylistically different schools called Gharanas. These schools have their basis in the traditional mode of musical training and education. Every Gharana has a few discernible features, which allow us to distinguish between schools and also enable us to identify different approaches to interpretation of the ragas. The main areas where differences arise, relate to the raga repertoire adopted by the Gharana, the manner in which the notes are sung, particularly the relative emphasis given in the Gharana philosophy to swara and laya, the role and importance of the Bandish in the aesthetic viewpoint of the Gharana, the manner in which the raga is presented, and the type of Tans employed. Gwalior: This is the oldest among all the Khayal Gayaki (vocal) styles. The distinctive feature of this style of singing has been noted as its lucidity and simplicity. This gayaki is also characterized by serious mien and slow singing pace. This Gharana involves presenting familiar and well known ragas such as Alakya Bilawal, Yaman, Bhairav, Sarang, Multani, Sri, Bhoop, Kamod, Hamir, Basant, etc. It also pays great attention to singing Khayals using traditional Bandishes. This Gharana is also noted for its straight and simple Tans, while stressing on the use of Meendh and Gamak in its Dhrupad-style khayals. The best known artistes of this Gharana were Balkrishna BaIchal Karanjikar (1849 – 1927) and his student Vishnu Digambar Paluskar (1872 – 1931), Pandit Omkarnath Thakur (1897 – 1967) and in recent times, Veena Sahasrabuddhe and Malini Rajurkar. Kirana: This Gharana derives its name from the birthplace of Abdul Kharim Khan (1872 – 1937), Kirana near Kurukshetra. This style of singing was influenced by the distinctive style of playing music on the Bin (Vina), with emphasis on the resonance of notes and maintaining note continuity through Meendh and Gamak. Importance was also given to Alap and Vilambit laya in the course of performance. This style also stresses on the role of individual notes and their study (swar-sadhana). In the Kirana style of singing, the swara is used to create an emotional mood by means of elongation and use of Kana-s. This effect is further heightened by tuning the Tanpura (a drone instrument) for certain ragas to the seventh note, the Nishad, rather than Pancham. In this Gharana, the practice of rendering the Alap as Bol-Alap using the bols of the Bandish and not in Akar is to enable the Alap to be developed gradually. The Gharana repertoire consists mainly of ragas like Shuddha Kalyan, Darbari, Malkauns, Bhimplasi, Todi etc. Many Carnatic ragas feature in this Gharana. Another aspect of the Kirana Gharana is that it is one of the few Gharanas of Khayal Gayaki that includes Thumri singing as a part of its performances. The important singers in this Gharana are Abdul Karim Khan, Hirabhai Barodekar, Begum Akhtar, and in recent times, Bhimsen Joshi, Gangubai Hangal and Prabha Atre. Atrauli – Jaipur: Another of the important ones, this Gharana is associated with Alladiya Khan (1855 – 1943), the great singer of the late 19th and early 20th century. This style has great complexities because of its use of melodic phrases having Vakra (twisted/crooked) turns. The most distinctive feature of the Jaipur Gharana can be best described as its complex and lilting melodic form which arises out of the involuted and undulating phrases that constitute the piece. The Badhat is very clear and is done in short sequences, each lasting for an Avartan and the Tans are very intricate. As a consequence the term ‘filigree-like workmanship’ is often used in the context of the Jaipur Gharana singing. This impression is created by the linking of successive notes through a particular manner of delivery without blurring their individual characteristics or shapes, while continuously varying the swara-patterns to avoid repetition. This is done through a slow tempo, which continues uncharged from the beginning to the end with the duration of its cycle being kept constant. The Gharana, in its repertoire, has a dominance of rare and compound ragas such as Sampoorna-Malkauns, Basant Kedar, Basant-Bahar, Kaunsi-Kanada and Nat-Kamod. This Gharana tends to use the traditional Bandishes and shuns the creation of new compositions. The Badhat is sung using the bols of the Bandish instead of the Akar. The Tans are also full of spiral shaped fast passages or Vakra passages. The important vocalists of this tradition are Alladiya Khan, Mallikarjun Mansur, Kesarbhai Kerkar and in recent times, Kishori Amonkar, Shruti Sadolikar, Padma Talwalkar and Ashwini Bhide Deshpande. *

Faiyaz khan

Agra: This style of Khayal gayaki is usually associated with Faiyaz khan (1886 – 1950). The founders of the Agra gharana were originally singers of Dhrupad. Dhamar and Khayal singing came to be adopted in the Gharana. It was Ustad Faiyaz Khan who transformed the traditional and austere Agra style and left his colourful imprint on the Gharana. The Agra Gharana places great importance on developing forcefulness and deepness in the voice so that the notes are powerful and resonant. This Gharana pays special attention to ragas like Megh and Darbarikanada. In the Alap, the shape of the raga is broadly outlined through key phrases and structures, rather than in a note by note manner. The Bandish plays a very important role. The purity of the Bandish is stressed and the entire Bandish forms the central point of the performance. The use of the Meendh in order to make the presentation effective is stressed. The Agra Gharana maintains this aspect of Dhrupad by the frequent use of Meendh and Gamaks for Alapchari and shuns the use of ornaments such as Murkis. One of the most notable features of the Agra Gayaki is its Layakari and the manifestation of rhythm in all the aspects of the khayal presentation. The important singers of this Gharana are C R Vyas, S N Ratanjankar and of late, Jitendra Abhisheki, Vijay Kitchlu and Sumati Mutatkar. Patiala: This Gharana is regarded as an offshoot of the Delhi Gharana and the famous duo ‘Allu-Fattu’, [Ali Baksh (1850 – 1920) and Fateh Ali Khan (1850 – 1909)], are usually acclaimed as the originators of this style. It was Ustad Bade Ghulam Ali Khan (1901 – 1969), who popularized this style of singing and brought this Gharana to the public notice. This style was influenced, to a large extent, by the qualities of Bade Ghulam Ali’s voice and its wide span of three octaves. While the Patiala Gharana gives pride of place to speed in execution of Tans, the Patiala Gharana repertoire also includes slow Tans, which are akin to the Gamak. Thus, the Patiala Gharana is characterized by the use of greater rhythm play and by Layakari with the abundant use of Bols, particularly Bol-tans. As part of its aesthetic approach, this style focusses more on emotion and sensuality. This style was criticised for neglecting musical form and organization and also lacking in aesthetic balance. The ragas preferred by this Gharana are Malkauns, Bhoopali, Gunakali, Megh Malhar, etc. Ek-tal and Teen-tal are usually chosen by this Gharana. This is another Gharana, which considers Thumri singing as its forte. The major singers in this style Bade Ghulam Ali Khan, Ajoy Chakravarti, Parveen Sultana and others. Rampur-Sahaswan: The Rampur-Sahaswan Gharana can be said to have been established by Ustad Inayat Hussain Khan (1849 – 1919). There is a stress on the clarity of swara in this style and the development and elaboration of the raga is done through a stepwise progression. The characteristic features of the Rampur-Sahaswan Gayaki are that the development of the Alap adheres closely to the structure of the Bandish that is being sung and is not sung as a free exposition before the Bandish. It is presented in the form of a Bol-alap. The stress in the Alap is on developing the Bhava (mood) and the rasa (emotion) of the raga. Singing in Akar is given great importance in training and also the use of natural voice. The preferred tempo is Madhya laya (medium tempo) and the use of a very slow tempo is discouraged. This Gharana lays stress on the literary content of the Bandish. The speciality of the Rampur school lies in its Tans, which cover a much larger range and are marked by their speed of execution. These Tans, which are noticeable for their boldness and clarity, are employed to bring out the Layakari. This style is also marked by a wide variety of Tans and its repertoire consists of ragas like Bhupali-Todi, Bahaduri-Todi, Gaudsarang, Yaman, Kedar, Chhaya Nat, Bihag, etc. The main representatives of this Gharana are Ghulam Mustafa Khan, Ustad Nissar Hussain Khan and in recent times, Ustad Rashid Khan. Mewati: The founder of Mewati Gharana was Ghagge Nazir Khan. This Gharana adopts the Sapat Tan and Merkhand in its ornamentation. This style gives importance to developing the mood of the raga through the notes forming it and its style is Bhava Pradhan. It also gives equal importance to the meaning of the text. The Gayaki regards words as important and does not believe in stretching words to make the text and rhythm synchronize. It resorts to Tans and Sargams in case the words fall short. This Gayaki also adopts Meendh as a prominent ornament. This Gharana presents semi-classical music in the form of Bhajans and there is a strong Vaishnavite influence in their style. The current exponents of this style are Sanjeev Abhyankar and Rattan Sharma, both students of Pandit Jasraj. Bhundi Bazar Gharana: This Gharana is less known in comparison to others. The most distinctive feature of this Gharana is that their presentations of Khayals are open voice, using Akar. There is a stress on breath-control and singing of long passages in one breath is highly regarded in this Gharana. Another feature is the intricate method of Sargam singing in which permutations and combinations of a given set of notes are made to give rise to complex note and Tan patterns This Gayaki makes use of this method for the raga Badhat in order to have an extended Alap. This method also permits play with rhythms. In addition, this Gharana stresses clear note intonation and word articulation. Ornaments such as Sapat-tans, Gamak-tans are given precedence along with the use of Meendh. The important singers are Ustad Aman Ali Khan and Anjanibai Malpekar. *

1. The Evolution of Sarod

The Sarod is one of the most exotic musical instruments in the world today. Its tonal quality, emotional range and dynamics are unmatched by any other instrument. The present form of the Sarode was developed about 200-250 years ago in India. Since then the art of Sarode playing has undergone continuous improvement in the hands of some exceptional and dedicated geniuses and it has now reached a level that seems difficult to improve upon. It is believed that the predecessor of the modern Sarode is the Rabab, an instrument that originated in the Middle East. The Rabab has a wooden ﬁngerboard and strings of catgut and was used mainly as an instrument to accompany military marching bands. The Rabab was already in use in India in the 16th century during the reign of Akbar, and the Akbar-Nama of the 16th century traveler Abul Fazl mentions several Rabab players in Akbar’s court. The Sarod, however is believed to have been developed initially by the Rababiyas of Afghanistan after their migration to India. Ghulam Bandegi Khan of Bangash, Afghanistan, who was a Rabab player, soldier and horse trader, migrated to India about 300 years ago. He was commissioned as a soldier in the army of Raja Vishwanath Singh of Rewa. Bandegi Khan trained his son Haider Khan and grandson Ghulam Ali Khan in the art of Rabab playing. Ghulam Ali also received musical training from Pyar Khan and Jaffar Khan, who were distinguished Rabab players and direct descendents of Tansen. Raja Vishwanath Singh also gave him instruction in Dhrupad singing, the slow, ornate and digniﬁed style of vocal music, that was prevalent then. Ghulam Ali later became a court musician in Gwalior, the most important musical center for North Indian music at that time. His exposure to the Gayaki (vocal music) style of Gwalior as well as the Dhrupad style of the Seni Gharana (Tansen’s musical family) must have inﬂuenced him to improve the relatively unsonorous and staccato sounding Rabab into one capable of executing the Meends (glides) and curves necessary in the Gayaki style. He is generally credited with the idea of modifying the Rabab by adding a metal ﬁngerboard and metallic strings and also with the addition of the Chikari (Jhala) and Tarab (sympathetic) strings. Thus the Sarode was born. Further embellishments to the Sarode were made by Ustad Allauddin Khan in this century, and the modern Sarode has 15 Tarab strings, 6 Chikari strings and 4 main strings. The name Sarode is linked to the Arabic “Sahrood” or Persian “Sarood” meaning music, as well as the Sanskrit “Sho-rode” (“good noise”). It is important to mention that Ustad Ali Akbar Khan has stated in recent times that the Sarode was known in ancient India as it has been found depicted in the 2000 year old Champa temple in Madhya Pradesh. *

2. The Rababiya Gharanas

The early Sarode players were the descendents of the Afghan Rababiyas. There were three such families but the most important such Gharana was the one founded by Ghulam Ali Khan (see the accompanying chart). Ghulam Ali Khan had three sons, Hossain Ali (eldest), Murad Ali and Nanhe Khan (youngest) who were all Sarode players. Nanhe Khan’s son was the Late Ustad Haﬁz Ali Khan (1988-1972) one of the outstanding Sarode players of the last generation. Haﬁz Ali Khan’s musical education was completed by his training under the Late UstadWazir Khan of Rampur who was the leading representative of the Seni Beenkar Gharana in the last century. Haﬁz Ali’s son Amjad Ali Khan is one of the most accomplished Sarode players of the present day. Murad Ali Khan was childless, and on a certain occasion, when taunted about this, decided to leave home, vowing to adopt a son and give him such a Taleem (musical training) that he would “rob the brothers of their sleep”. He moved to Shahjahanpur and adopted an orphan boy, Abdullah Khan, who under his training became an outstanding Sarode player. Murad Ali Khan passed away in 1932, but his musical line continued with Abdullah Khan, whose disciple Mohammed Amir Khan was the Guru of the Late Radhika Mohan Moitra (1917-1981) a brilliant Sarodiya of the last generation. Pandit Buddhadev Das Gupta is the foremost disciples of Radhika Mohan Moitra and is one of three most outstanding Sarode players of India today. His playing reﬂects the beauty of his Guru’s melodic style which is a perfect blend of the Rababiya and Beenkar traditions. *

3. The Seni Beenkar Gharana

To complete our story we need to establish a most important link, namely the connection between the great Sarode players of the last generation and the Seni Beenkar Gharana. For this let us go back to Emperor Akbar’s court in the 16th century. The brightest sun in Akbar’s court was Tansen (1520-1589), a musical genius from Gwalior whom the Emperor had brought and installed as one of the Nine Jewels of his court. Tansen composed many new Ragas, such as Miya-ki-Malhar, Darbari Kanhra and Miya-ki-Todi, and laid down the foundations of North Indian classical music through 300 Dhrupad compositions. Although Akbar had a policy to convert talented people to Islam his reverence for Tansen was such that he never forced him to convert, but tactfully gave him the title Miya Tansen. Tansen had a Hindu wife as well as a Muslim wife, called Mehrunissa. From the latter he got a son Bilas Khan (composer of the Raga Bilaskhani Todi) and from the Hindu wife he had three children; Tan-Taranga, Suratsen and Saraswati Devi. Suratsen later founded the Jaipur Sitar Gharana. Saraswati was a famous Dhrupad singer who married Raja Misar Singh, a noted Beenkar (Veena player) of Rajasthan. Misar Singh eventually became a state musician in Akbar’s court and was converted to Islam and renamed Naubat Khan. The descendants of Saraswati and Misar Singh were Beenkars as well Dhrupadiyas and they continued and developed the traditions of Sitar, Sursringar and Rabab playing as well as vocal music. They established what is now known as the Seni Beenkar Gharana, the most important musical family in North Indian music. Although they officially had Muslim names, they also had dual Hindu names; thusWazir Khan, for example was also called Chhatrapal Singh. These descendents include Niyamat Khan (vocalist, also known as Sadarang in many Khayal compositions), Amritsen (Jaipur Sitar Gharana, 1814-1894) , Omrao Khan (Vina, Surbahar, Sarode), Gholam Mohammed Khan (Lucknow Sitar Gharana), Bahadur Hussain Khan (inventor of Tarana) and Ustad Wazir Khan. Ustad Wazir Khan was a brilliant teacher, performer and composer and the leader of the Seni Gharana in the last century. His family line could be traced back directly to Tansen and his musical knowledge included many of Tansen’s original Dhrupad compositions. Perhaps the most important occurence in the history of Sarode playing is the fact that two of the foremost Sarodiyas of the last generation Allauddin Khan and Haﬁz Ali Khan came to be Wazir Khan’s disciples. Thus the full power and accumulated musical knowledge of the Seni Gharana was incorporated into the Sarode art of these two outstanding musicians. The result was that a style of Sarode playing developed in which the vocal traditions of Dhrupad and Khyal and the instrumental traditions of Veena (slides and glides) and Rabab (rhythmic, staccato and plucked) came to be blended beautifully and aesthetically into this one majestic instrument. This is why today’s Sarode playing has such a wide dynamic range from the most tender Meends to thunderous Jhalas and lightning speed Taans (musical sentences). Ustad Baba Allauddin Khan (1862-1972) as we know is a legendary ﬁgure in Indian music. He was born in Tripura, East Bengal and from a very young age developed a thirst for music and musical knowledge that eventually led to one of the most incredible musical journeys of this century. He mastered many instruments including Tabla, violin, Sursringar and Surbahar but ﬁnally turned to the Sarode and became a student of the Sarode wizard Ahmed Ali Khan. After six years of living with Ahmed Ali, Baba had learnt everything that Ahmed Ali had to offer and the teacher recommended that Baba should seek training from his Guru the great Wazir Khan of Rampur. Baba had to confront many difficulties in becoming Wazir Khan’s disciple, but eventually Wazir Khan opened up his treasure house of musical compositions and taught Baba for 12 years after his eldest son, who was being trained to succeed him, died suddenly. Baba Allauddin lived only to serve the cause of music. He was a lifelong devotee of the Goddess Kali and later as a court musician in Maihar worshipped Sharda Devi, also known as Maihar Devi, and a form of Goddess Kali. He avoided fame and wealth, pursued music as a path to spiritual salvation and offered his creations at the feet of Sharda Devi. In later years Baba’s salary was paid from the earnings of the Sharda temple. He was regarded throughout India as a musical saint and many students journeyed to Maihar to learn from him. He himself remained a student of music till the age of 70 completely mastering the Dhrupad and instrumental compositions of the Seni Gharana and adding innumerable new compositions and many new Ragas, such as Hemant, Shobhavati and Durgeshwari. His eventual contributions are so outstanding that today this Gharana is known as the Seni Allauddin Gharana. Baba openly and generously transferred the vast wealth of his musical knowledge to a large number of disciples. Of these the most famous are his son the supreme Sarodist Ustad Ali Akbar Khan and the Sitar Maestro Pandit Ravi Shankar. The dazzling virtuosity, musical depth and brilliance of these two musicians and their extensive touring over the last 40 years have exposed audiences all over the world to the treasures of the Seni Gharana, the art and magic of Sitar and Sarode, and the exquisite beauty, creativity and sophistication of North Indian classical music. With such a fantastic heritage the future of instrumental music and the Sarode in particular is bright indeed! (Portions of this article are based on conversations with Pandit Buddhadev DasGupta.) S.P. Bhattacharyya is Professor of Electrical Engineering and a faculty adviser to SPICMACAY at Texas A&M University. He is also a disciple of Sarod maestro Ustad Ali Akbar Khan and a performing concert artist *

The Kirana Gharana

The origin of the Kirana gharana is shrouded in an air of mystery and, to some extent, controversy. It is generally believed that Gopal Nayak, a contemporary of Amir Khusru, is the fountainhead of the gharana. He lived on the banks of the Jumna in a town called Dutai. Later, when Dutai was ravaged by floods he moved inland 10 Kirana, a small town in the Muzaffarnagar district. He is believed to have embraced Islam. Four different offshoots of the Kirana dynasty are claimed to have descended from him. One of the branches boasts of great names like Ustad Azim Baksh, Maula Baksh and Abdul Ghani Khan. The second branch is studded with names like Ustad Bande Ali Khan, Nanne Khan, Kale Khan and the legendary Ustad Abdul Karim Khan. Yet another offshoot includes in its Kirana lineage the names of Gafoor Khan, Abdul Wahid Khan, Shakoor Khan, Mashkoor Ali and Mubarak Ali. Finally, the distinguished family tradition of Mehboob Baksh, Rehman Khan, Abdul Majid Khan, Abdul Hamid Khan, Abdul Bashir Khan, followed by his sons Niaz Ahmed and Fayyaz Ahmed Khan, express their allegiance to the Kirana tradition. The precise roots of the gharana are lost in antiquity and shrouded with controversy. There are some who believe that Ustad Abdul Karim Khan is the true fountainhead of Gandharva, Roshanara Begum, Balkhshnabuva Kapileshwari, Behrebuva, Sureshbabu Mane and Hirabai Barodekar. From this mainstream of Ustad Abdul Karim Khan, in turn, came Pandit Sawai Gandharva whose centenary was recently celebrated with great 6clat in Bombay, and the ranks of the gharana have swelled, majestically. The leading lights include Gangubai Hangal, Pandit Bhimsen Joshi, Pandit Feroze Dastoor, Dr Prabha Atre and Pandit Sangame-shwar Gaurav. Among their disciples, Krishna Hangal Shrikant Deshpande, Madhav Gudi, Narayanrao Deshpande, Ramkrishna Patwardhan, Milind Chittal and Alka Joglekar have already made their mark and ensured the continued popularity of the gharana. This phenomenal popularity has been achieved through the characteristic expansive alapchari which unfolds the raga note by note with tantalising languor. The induction of sargams was another alankar which Abdul Karim Khan inducted into Hindustani music with a Carnatic flair Admittedly, the gharana has undergone a vigorous transformation with the vibrant personality of Pandit Bhimsen Joshi, who has brought into play his own stylistic nuances. It is obvious that the Kirana gharana is riding the wave of popularity. the gharana and the lineage that emanates from him is the main stream of the gharana, while the rest are tributaries. Be that as it may, it is an incontrovertible fact that the Kirana gharana remains the most popular and prolific in the sheer number of its practitioners on the contemporary scene.Ustad Abdul Karim Khan ushered in a new era of romanticism in the rendition of Hindustani classical music which was captivating because it was at once sweet, soothing, serene and sensuous. Although the ustad’s own singing seemed to lack fullbodied masculine sonorousness, his romanticism won for the Kirana gharana a strong following which included names that have become legends like Sawai *

The Agra Gharana

The Agra gharana derived from the dhrupad tradition of the Nauhar Bani and was founded by Saras Khuda during the reign of Emperor Aurangzeb. Thereafter, his grandson Ghagge Khudabaksh received rigorous training from Natthan Khan of the Gwalior gharana in khayal gayaki and thus developed a happy synthesis of the majestic dhrupad tradition and the melodious khayal gayaki. Apart from this, a series of alliances between the houses(gharanas)of the original Agra gharana and the Atrauli gharana have further brought together these two great tradition and it would be more correct to describe the gharana as the Agra-Atrauli gharana. It is significant that the gharana now has within its fold no less than three. Banis: the Gobarhar Bani or the Gwalior gharana as derived from Mehboob Khan alias Daas Piya the Dagur Bani of the original Atrauli Dhrupad gharana which underwent a transformation when Ustad Alladiya Khan took to khayal gayaki from Mubarak Ali of Jaipur (since then called Jaipur-Atrauli gharana) and finally the inflow of the Nauhar Bani of the third Atrauli offshoot as derived through Puttan Khan, maternal uncle of Ustad Mushtaq Husain of the Rampur Sahaswan gharana. Probably this is what accounts for the manysplendoured appeal of this ‘Rangeeli’ gayaki as it came to be known, particularly since the advent of Aftab-e-mousiqi Ustad Faiyaz Khan whom many regard as the fountainhead of Agra-Atrauli gharana. *

Great artists of India

Ustad Bade Ghulam Ali Khan 1902-1968

Ustad Bade Ghulam Ali Khan can be described as an artiste who has had the maximum impact on the 20th Century Hindustani Classical Music scenario. Born in 1902 into a great musical lineage from Kasur in the Western Punjab, this great savant amalgamated the best of four traditions; his own Patiala – Kasur style, sculpturesque Behram Khani elements of Dhrupad, the intricate gyrations of Jaipur and finally the robust behlavas (embellishments) of Gwaiior. But what actually characterised Bade Ghulam Ali Khan was an effervescent melodic quality which was concertised in a masterly flow of ideas which were delivered with a unique sense of alacrity, aided by one of the most pliable and dextrous voices ever heard in living memory in this land. Bade Ghulam Ali Khan had a relatively short career span. He blazed the trails of Calcutta in 1938 and in the 1944 All India Music Conference in Bombay, was virtually anointed Lord of all he surveyed in the field of Indian Music. But 24 years later, he was dead, prematurely at 66, having given the World less of himself than it would have wished to have. The maestro’s approach to khyal was essentially traditional – as seen in the medium pace of his vilambit Khayal presentation and his style of straightforward sthaibharana avoiding permutations. The character of his Gayaki was derived from an inclination towards looking beyond the traditional method of intoning a Swara to discover unchartered facets of beauteous melody, often achieved by very subtle inflexions of notes. This approach was bom of a mind which always strove to find that beauty in Indian Music which went beyond the Raga itself. For Bade Ghulam Ali Khan, ‘Taleem’ was but a means to a greater end where sheer melody and freedom of movement became unified His music was the joyous expression of an unfettered musical psyche. In ‘Thumri’, Bade Gliulam Ali Khan looked beyond the tradition of bol-banav where verbal and musical expressions are unified. He saw in Thumri an avenue for playing with notes with even greater abandon than was possible in the raga-restrained Khayal. From this perspective was born the now well-established Punjab-ang of Thumri. *

Pt. Pannalal Ghosh 31 July, 1911 – 20 April, 1960

Born in Barisal, East Bengal (now Bangladesh) on July 31, 1911, Amulya Jyoti (nicknamed Pannalal) Ghosh was a child prodigy. He inherited his love of music and the bamboo flute (bansuri) from his grandfather, Hari Kumar Ghosh who played sitar,tabla,and pakhawaj and learned sitar from his father, Akshay Kumar Ghosh. He also learned music from his maternal uncle, Bhavaranjan Mazumdar who was a vocalist. The family first lived in the village of Amarnathganj and later moved to the town of Fatehpur. Two apocryphal incidents happened to young Pannalal which had an influential bearing on his later life. First, at age 9 while looking for a stick, Pannalal found a flute floating in the river. He retrieved the instrument and so began his lifelong relationship with the bansuri. Two years later at age 11 Pannalal met a sadhu who held both a conch and a flute. The sadhu asked Pannalal if he could play the flute, and young Pannalal obliged. The sadhu gave him the flute and told the boy that music would be his salvation.There was a political unrest in 1928, and every youth was possessed with the freedom movement. Pannalal also joined this freedom movement. He enrolled in a gymnasium where he learned martial arts, boxing, and stick fighting and practiced physical culture. Pannalal was very fond of physical culture. He became the best student and champion of this gymnasium. He became more involved in the freedom movement and the British Government started keeping a watch on his movements. So at the age of seventeen Pannalal left Barisal and went to Calcutta in search of livelihood. In the teeming metropolis he found himself without any credentials except that he was a boxing champion and had won the All Bengal competition in boxing. With his skill as a boxer and martial art expert he landed a job as a coach in an athletic club. One year later, at the age of 18, Pannnalal lost his father. At this time Pannalal, who was already playing sitar, began to focus his attention on bansuri. Economic necessity drove him into performing music for the silent films in Calcutta. At an All India music competition he met music director and composer Anil Biswas and began to play in his musical productions. It was during one such production when Anil Biswas was directing music for a dramatization of a work by the renowned poet Kazi Nazrul Islam that Pannalal decided that he needed a bigger flute who’s pitch and sonority would be more appropriate for both classical and light music. He met an old Muslim toy vendor who was also proficient in making flutes. With his help Pannalal experimented with various materials including metal and other types of wood, but decided bamboo was still the most suitable medium for a larger instrument. He finally settled on a bansuri which was thirty two inches long, with a sa (tonic) at kali doe (the second black key on the old harmonium scale). As a flute of this size was hitherto unknown, a rumor arose that Pannalal had had surgery to cut the webbing between his fingers to facilitate the large span required to cover the finger holes of the instrument. Of course, he had no such surgery, but through dedicated riyaz (practice), Pannalal invented and perfected the technique to play the large instrument. At this time he would get his bamboo to make flutes from discarded packing materials found at Diamond Harbor, the large port of Calcutta. Deforestation had not yet consumed the forest around Calcutta, and the bamboo was believed to have grown close to the city itself. He practiced hard and perfected the technique of vocal music on flute. At this time he realized the need for meend from madhyama swar to nishad or dhaivat shrutis in ragas like Bihag, Yaman, Bageshree and many others. He experimented and invented the seventh hole of madhyama. He became famous for his flute playing and started getting performances at the major music conferences. At this time he came in close contact with great maestros like Ustad Inayat Khan (sitar), Ustad Dabir Khan (Been), Ustad Amir Khan (sarod), Ustad Badal khan (sarangi), and vocalists such as Ustad Faiyaz Khan, Ustad Abdul Karim Khan, Ustad Majid Khan, Pt. Tarapoda Chkraborty, Pt. Bhismadev Chattopadhyay and many others. His quest for knowledge and purity of tradition made him acquire intricacies of music from these erudite musicians. In 1936 Pannalal began working with Raichandra Boral, music director of the well known ‘New Theater’ and one year later he met his first guru, Kushi Mohammed Khan – the ‘Harmonium Wizard’. In 1938 as music director of the dance troupe of the princely kingdom of Seraikella State, Panna Babu (as he was affectionately known) was one of the first classical musicians to visit and perform in Europe, which he found rather agitating and unsettling. Soon after his return to India his guru expired. Thereafter he underwent training from Girija Shankar Chakravarti. In 1940, Pannalal moved to Bombay on the advice of his first disciple Haripada Choudhary (who had himself recently moved to Bombay). There he joined the Bombay Talkies film studio and gave music to quite a few films including ‘Basant.’ Panna Babu’s wife, Parul Biswas, (sister of Anil Biswas), was a graceful singer of kirtans who became one of the first well known playback singers for the new ‘talking’ films. Pannalal first met the legendary Ustad Allaudin Khansahib, (reverentialy known as ‘Baba’) in 1946, when Baba came to Bombay with his disciple, Pandit Ravi Shankar. Initially, when Pannalal asked Baba to teach him Khansaheb replied, “You are already great, you don’t need to study more.” Pannalal implored Baba to please teach him so that he could learn “authentic music and sur.” In 1947, Pannalal’s lifelong yearning to learn music from a true guru was fulfilled when Allaudin Khansaheb , convinced of Pannalal’s sincerity to learn, accepted Pannalal as his disciple. Pannalal then accompanied Baba to his home in Maihar, where he received intensive taalim (training) from Khansaheb for the next six months. Under Baba’s firm yet understanding tutelage, he blossomed into the wizard of the bamboo reed. Panna Babu earned fame through his regular broadcasts on AIR (All India Radio) and his many live performances at music festivals throughout India. The eminent vocalists Ustad Fayaz Khan and Pandit Omkarnath Thakur appreciated his music very much and requested Pannalal to accompany their vocal recitals on bansuri. He was praised for his adaptation and rendering on the bansuri of the khayal-ang- gayaki (the classical vocal style), particularly influenced by the great master of the Kirana gharana, Ustad Abdul Karim Khan. Pannalal also incorporated alap, dhrupad-ang-gayaki, tantrakari, jhala, thumri, dadra and folk music into his performance style on bansuri. Well versed in tabla and rhythm, he would perform in such difficult tals as jhoomra and tilwara. His music was steeped in devotion and had an intangible ethereal element, immense emotional depth and was infused with spiritual profundity. In addition to introducing the larger instrument, Pannalal Ghosh is credited with inventing the bass bansuri and introducing the six-stringed tanpura, high-pitched tanpuri and the surpeti or sruti box into Hindustani music. He created and popularized several new ragas including Deepawali, Pushpachandrika, Hansanarayani, Chandramauli, Panchavati and Nupurdwani, as well as multitudinous vilambit and drut compositions in many well known ragas. Panna Babu practiced daily meditation and observed maun by not speaking on Thursdays. He took the vows of Ramakrishna and put his faith in music. He took Mantra Diksha from Swami Birjanandji Maharaj who was a direct disciple of Swami Vivekananda. Because of his intense spiritual practice he started loosing interest in day to day life and decided to take Sanyasa. When he expressed his desire to Swamiji, his Guru, he was told that he would attain Moksha through music only. He should practice music as religiously as his spiritual practice. His music showed total spirituality, simplicity and purity. Pannalal continued composing and recording music for films, but began to find film work distasteful. Panna Babu’s impressive rendition of Raga Darbari Kannada in his 1956 National Programme broadcast from AIR Delhi fetched him further acclaim and at this time B.B Keskar, director of AIR, awarded him the meritorious post of composer-conductor of the Indian National Orchestra and producer for AIR Delhi. He held the post and maintained his devotion to the interpretation of classical music on the bamboo flute until his untimely and sudden death due to heart attack at the age of 49 on April 20, 1960 in New Delhi. He left his musical legacy in the capable hands of his principal disciples: the late Haripada Choudary, Devendra Murdeshwar, V.G. Karnad and Nityanand Haldipur . References Raga Shree: vilambit (slow) Tilwara Tal (16 beats) and fast Teen Tal (16 beats) This is the entire original HMV Recording – 19 minutes. It was the first LP recording of bansuri, with Rag Yaman on the A side. *

Gharanas of Hindustani Music

There is a rich tradition of Gharanas in classical Hindustani music. The music Gharanas are also called styles. These schools or Gharanas have their basis in the traditional mode of musical training and education. Every Gharana has its own distinct features. The main area of difference between Gharanas is the manner in which the notes are sung. The concept of a Guru- Shishya leads to the development of Gharanas. The Gharanas emerge from the creative style of a genius, who gives existing structures a totally new approach, form and interpretation. The new approach, form and interpretation apply to include the tone of the voice, the pitch, the inflexions and the intonations, and the specific application of the various nuances. Let’s have a quick look at popular Gharanas of Hindustani classical music. Gwalior Gharana – This is the oldest among all the Khayal Gayaki (vocal) styles. The distinctive feature of this style of singing has been noted as its lucidity and simplicity. Founders – Ustad Hassu Khan, Ustad Haddu Khan, Ustad Nathu Khan Exponents – Bal Krishna BaIchal Karanjikar, Vishnu Digambar Paluskar, Pandit Omkarnath Thakur, Veena Sahasrabuddhe and Malini Rajurkar Agra Gharana-The Agra Gharana places great importance on developing forcefulness and deepness in the voice so that the notes are powerful and resonant. Founders- Haji Sujan Khan, Ustad Ghagghe Khuda Baksh Exponents-The important singers of this Gharana are Faiyyaz Khan, Latafat Hussein Khan and Dinkar Kakini. Kirana Gharana – It derives its name from the birthplace of Abdul Kharim Khan of Kirana near Kurukshetra. In the Kirana style of singing, the swara is used to create an emotional mood by means of elongation and use of Kana-s. Founders – Abdul Karim Khan and Abdul Wahid Khan Exponents – Hirabhai Barodekar, Begum Akhtar, Bhimsen Joshi, Gangubai Hangal and Prabha Atre. Jaipur – Atrauli Gharana- The most distinctive feature of the Jaipur Gharana can be best described as its complex and melodic form which arises out of the involutedly and undulating phrases that comprise the piece. Founders – Ustad Alladiya Khan Exponents – Alladiya Khan, Mallikarjun Mansur, Kesarbhai Kerkar, Kishori Amonkar, Shruti Sadolikar, Padma Talwalkar and Ashwini Bhide Deshpande. Rampur Sahaswan Gharana- The Rampur Sahaswan Gharana there is a stress on the clarity of swara in this style and the development and elaboration of the raga is done through a stepwise progression. Founders – Ustad Inayat Khan Exponents – Ghulam Mustafa Khan, Ustad Nissar Hussain Khan, Ustad Rashid Khan, Sulochana and Brihaspati. Patiala Gharana – Patiala Gharana is regarded as an offshoot of the Delhi Gharana. The Patiala Gharana is characterized by the use of greater rhythm play and by Layakari with the abundant use of Bols, particularly Bol-tans. Founders – Ustad Fateh Ali Khan and Ustad Ali Baksh Exponents – The major singers of the Patiala Gharana are Bade Ghulam Ali Khan, Ajoy Chakravarti, Raza Ali Khan, Beghum Akhtar, Nirmala Deni, Naina Devi, Parveen Sultana and others. Delhi Gharana – The Delhi Ghaana was represented by Tanras Khan and Shabbu Khan. The highlights of Delhi Gharana are pleasing vistaar and exquisite compositions. Founders – Ustad Mamman Khan Exponents – Some of the notable exponents of Delhi Gharana are Chand Khan, Nasir Ahmed Khan, Usman Khan, Iqbal Ahmed Khan and Krishna Bisht. Bhendi Bazaar Gharana – The most distinctive feature of the Bhendi Bazaar Gharana is the presentation of Khayal, which is open voice, using Akar. There is a stress on breath-control and singing of long passages in one breath is highly regarded in this Gharana Founders – Ustad Chajju Khan Exponents – The important singers of this Gharana are Ustad Aman Ali Khan, Shashikala Koratkar and Anjanibai Malpekar. Benaras Gharana – The Benaras Gharana evolved as a result of great lilting style of khayal singing known by Thumri singers of Benaras and Gaya. Founders – Pt Gopal Mishra Exponents – The chief exponents of the Benaras Gharana are Rajan Mishra, Sajan Mishra, Girija Devi and others. Mewati Gharana – The Mewati Gharana gives importance to developing the mood of the raga through the notes forming it and its style is Bhava Pradhan. It also gives equal importance to the meaning of the text. Founders – The founder of Mewati Gharana was Ghagge Nazir Khan. Exponents – The exponents of the Mewati Gharana are Pandit Jasraj, Moti Ram, Mani Ram, Sanjeev Abhyankar and others. *** The gharanas of khayal gayaki (singing) are : Gwalior gharana Kirana gharana Jaipur-Atrauli gharana Agra gharana Patiala gharana … Rampur-Sahaswan gharana Mewati gharana Bhendi Bazar gharana Gwalior gharana The oldest of the gharanas and one to which most others can and do trace the origins of their style is the Gwalior gharana. Some sources believe that Nathan Khan and Peer Baksh settled in Gwalior and evolved the style features that led to this gharana. Others claim that individuals named Nathan Peer Baksh and Nathe Khan founded the gharana. The accepted version is that Nathan Peer Baksh left Lucknow (in Uttar Pradesh) to escape the professional rivalry with Shakkar Khan that had taken an ugly turn. He arrived in Gwalior with his grandsons Haddu Khan and Hassu Khan. Another great khayal singer, also originally from Lucknow, was Bade Mohammed Khan who brought the t n into khayal singing. Haddu and Hassu Khan further enhanced the style into the Gwalior gharana as we recognize it today. Haddu Khan’s son, Rehmet Khan (1852-1922) was a widely acclaimed singer who liberated the Gwalior style from the methodical form it followed to the emotional style that he preferred. Apart from the emphasis on notes (swara), another distinguishing feature of the gharana is its simplicity because through simplicity alone can the singer and the listener arrive at the full beauty and impact of the raga. One means to this is of course the selection of well-known ragas so that the listener is saved the effort of trying to identify the raga. Attention can be focussed on the raga and the presentation of it. While the khayal singer does include raga vistar (melody expansion) and raga alankara (melody ornamentation to enhance the beauty and meaning of the raga, there is no attempt to include the tirobhava feature i.e. using melodic phrases to obscure the identity of the raga in the interest of adding interest or mystery to the listener’s experience. The singing itself places bandish (the composition) at the heart of the presentation because of the gharana’s belief that the full melody of the raga and guidance on its singing is provided by the bandish. The sthayi section is sung twice before the antara, to be followed by the slow tempo of the swara vistar (note expansion). This slow rendition of the notes is known as the behlava, and is sung from Ma in the lower register to Pa in the higher register, following the pattern of the aroha (ascent) and avaroha (descent) of the raga. The behlava is divided into the sthayi (from Ma to Sa) and antara (from Ma, Pa, or Dha to Pa of the higher register). The dugun-ka-alap follows in which groups of two or four note combinations are sung in quicker succession but the basic tempo remains the same. Thus the drumming pattern of the table (i.e. tabla theka) is left unaltered. The bol-alap is next in which the different words of the text are sung in different ways, to be followed by murkis in which notes are sung with ornamentation to a faster pace. Bol-t ns entail the formation of melodic sequences with the words of the song. The other t ns, including the gamak, follow. The sapat t n is important to the Gwalior style and refers to the singing of notes in a straight sequence and at a slow pace. Both dhrupad and khayal singing evolved in Gwalior and there are many overlaps. In the khayal style there is one form, mundi dhrupad, that incorporates all the features of dhrupad singing but without the mukhda. The Gwalior gharana usually prefers to begin ragas in the medium tempo (madhya laya) rather then the slow tempo (vilambit laya) as is the norm with other gharanas. The chosen ragas include Alahya-Bilawal, Yaman, Bhairav, Sarang, Shri, Hamir, Gaud-Malhar, Miya-ki-Malhar. Renowned singers of this gharana are Balkrishnabua Ichalkaranjikar, Vishnu Digamber Paluskar, Nissar Hussain Khan, Shankarrao Pandit, Krishnarao Pandit, Eknath Pandit, Pandit Vinayakrao Parwardhan, Narayanrao Vyas, Dattaraya Vishnu Paluskar, Sharat Chandra Arolkar, and Pandit Omkarnath Thakur who authored the Sangitanjali (a text on the nature of ragas). Contemporary singers include Pandit V.R. Athavale, Pandit Vinaychandra Maudgalaya, Pandit Jal B8alporia. Others while not performing in the pure Gwalior style nevertheless retain the distinctive features of the gharana. Malini Rajurkar is an example of this. Her singing reveals influences of the Kirana style as well as that of the independent singer Kumar Gandharva but the clear rendition of each word in the manner of a short t n stamps her singing with the Gwalior tradition. Kirana gharana The emphasis on elongating the notes and the importance to their resonance is a distinctive feature of this gharana. The founder, Khan Sahab Abdul Karim Khan (1872-1937), believed in the serene rendition of the notes as when playing the bin (a plucked instrument with resonators at both ends). Rehmet Khan of the Gwalior gharana is believed to have influenced Ustad Karim Khan’s adoption of the direct style of presentation. Some have also indicated the influence of the sarangi (a string instrument) on the voice features of this gharana. Kirana is the birth place of the Ustad, and situated near Kurukshetra. Ustad Karim Khan served as a musician at the Baroda and the Mysore courts and had a tremendous influence on the music of western India. His own somewhat nasal voice led him to adopt the Carnatic style for singing the saptak (the seven notes). He preferred to sing in the slower tempo and stress the bol-alap through consonants because his own voice was not wholly suited to the lower register of notes. The aesthetic appeal was thus never marred and the continuity he desired was achieved. Other singers of the gharana, including his disciple Sawai Gandharva, used the upper register far more often than the lower. Some later singers, including Roshanara Begum and Bhimsen Joshi, sing almost equally in both octaves. This factor has influenced the choice of ragas to those appropriate for the emphasis on the alap rather than the bandish. Karuna rasa (pathetic or sympathetic mood) is the foremost of the sentiments expressed through renditions that extend the notes gradually and use kanas (grace notes ) to fully express the raga. However, the lack of emphasis on voice projection and words led to a blurring of the lines as far as different ragas were concerned. The emphasis on swara has led to a rather subtle tempo and rhythmic pattern, both factors allowing for the sentiment and mood to be highlighted. Due to this, the words of the bandish are not clearly enunciated and there are only a few in the Kirana gharana repertoire. Kirana includes thumri singing in its repertoire, but with the emphasis on swara rather than on emotion and an absence of the characteristic lilt of thumri singing. Contemporary singers like Bhimsen Joshi cannot be said to sing in the pure Kirana style because of the diverse influences apparent in his singing. The swara orientation is not as strong and the tempo is no longer latent as is characteristic of the gharana. However, the emotional appeal of the pure Kirana style remains and so do the Kirana compositions. Ragas traditionally performed by the gharana: Shuddha Kalyan, Darbari, Malkauns, Bhimpalasi, Todi, to name a few. Some ragas of Carnatic music – for example, Jogiya – are included in the repertoire. Renowned singers include: Bhimsen Joshi, Abdul Wahid Khan (he taught Begum Akhtar), Surash Babu Mane, Prabha Atre Malati, Hirabai Barodekar, Gangubhai Hangal, her daughter Krishna Hangal, and Pandit Feroze Dastur. Jaipur-Atrauli gharana Born in Atrauli and singing at the Jaipur court, Alladiya Khan (1855-1943) made both cities famous through the gharana he founded. His training in both dhrupad and khayal genres enabled him to bring the complexities of both into his style that can be best described as filigree. The variation of note patterns serves to enhance the rendition of notes that are linked in a characteristic manner. This in no way impinges on the individual quality of the notes. The tempo is consistently slow (but not as slow as in the Kirana style), with the varying note patterns providing the rhythm. Many feel that the gharana follows an intellectual approach, and this does not lend itself to layakari (the development and play of tempo). However, the intellectual nature of presentation in no way precludes laya. It is very much in existence through the changing pitch and volume and the note patterns themselves: these factors comprise what Deshpande terms ‘functional rhythm’. The time factor permeates every performance. The attention to every beat and half-beat is a vital feature of the Jaipur-Atrauli gharana and requires both singer and musician to co-ordinate on the sam. The sam is the most emphatic beat of the tabla (a drum) and is usually played at the beginning of the rhythm cycle and at other specific moments. The singer maintains this rhythm by coinciding the singing with the sam. In khayal singing, the sam may occur at the end of the mukhada (first melodic phrase) and the singer and musician do not consistently coincide their emphases. The Jaipur-Atraul gharana has elevated this to an art form by arriving at the emphatic beat in a specific but unexpected manner. By remaining aware of every beat and fraction of a beat even at the slow tempo, the singer can impart a great aesthetic value to the experience. Alladiya Khan was a master at this technique. The bandishes are always the traditional ones, and no new compositions are present in the repertoire. The text itself comes second to the melodic movements and tempo of the bandish, the gharana preferring to emphasize the meaning and emotion through note combinations. Thus the musical element dominates. The akar (singing a part of the raga through the vowels ‘aa’) is not traditionally used (the singer Kishori Amonkar is an exception). The bols (words) are sung, and ornamented with t ns and murkis, the ornamentation being in drut laya (fast tempo). The bada khayal is sung spanning all three registers and the antara section is omitted. While vakra t ns (spiralling notes to embellish the raga) are to be found in the presentation, there is a rarity of other t ns like kanas (grace notes) and sargam t ns (sargam – a term comprised of the solfege names of the first four notes, and denoting all seven notes). The choice of ragas reflects the school’s selectivity of manner and presentation: acchob (rare) ragas and jod (compound) ragas like Sampurna-Malkauns, Basant-Kedar, Basant-Bahar, Kaunsi-Kanada and Nat-Kamod. Renowned singers include Kesarbai Kerkar who trained under Ustad Alladiya Khan, Mallikarjun Mansur, Shruti Sadolikar Katkar, Padma Tralwalkar, Padmavati Shaligram Gokhale. Agra gharana The founders of the Agra gharana, Shamrang and Sasrang, were originally dhrupad and dhamar singers, and khayal singing was a later addition by Ghagge Khuda Baksh. The latter was trained by Nathan Peer Baksh of the Gwalior gharana. The emphasis on layakari in the Agra gharana is a result of these beginnings. Ustad Faiyaz Khan (1886-1950), widely regarded as the founder of this gharana, trained under both his maternal grandfather Ghulam Abbas and Natthan Khan of the Agra school. His paternal great-grandfather was Ustad Ramzan Khan ‘Rangile’ and Faiyaz Khan’s singing is often considered the ‘Rangile’ style rather than the Agra style. The Ustad himself had a powerful voice and sang in a low register. Through voice modulation as well as stress on alap and the rhythmic patterns in the bandish, he was able to evolve a distinctive style. The nom-tom alap remains popular with this gharana as does the use of ekar rather than akar. He employed a clear style in the enunciation of words which were sung (many believe they were spoken) according to the mood of the section. To add drama, he would often allow for a break in the rendition – a stylistic device is known as phut. It was Faiyaz Khan’s belief that a raga should commence with the note shadja and that the note be accorded a focal position. While classical texts accepted the shadja as the first note, in practice the opening note (graha swara) was not necessarily the shadja. The current practice of commencing the alap with Sa began with Ustad Faiyaz Khan. This gharana begins a raga with an extended alap replete with ornamentation, and the mukhda and other phrases are sung with equal emphasis. The bandish in medium tempo follows. The words of the text are accompanied by close attention to rhythm and in vilambit laya. The words of the sthayi may be repeated, if the section is deemed too short. Bol tans are next, sung at double or even treble the past tempo, followed by other tans in madhya laya. The ladant (duel with the tabla) is occasionally included, and at the close, a khayal sung in drut laya. Like the Jaipur gharana, the Agra school emphasizes the melodic aspect of the raga, while the importance of the bandish is a legacy of the Gwalior style. Again, the sam (the most emphatic beat of the tabla) and the arrival at it by musician and singer is an interesting and much anticipated feature. Renowned singers of this school include Sharafat Hussain Khan (believed to have a style very close to Faiyaz Khan’s), Ustad Vilayat Hussain Khan ‘Agrawale’, Latafat Hussain Khan, Yunus Hussain, Vijay Kitchlu, Jyotsna Bhole, Deepali Nag, Sumuti Mutatkar. A famous independent singer taught by Faiyaz Khan was Kanhaiya Lal Sehgal. Besides, the Agra gharana had a profound influence on luminaries such as Pandit Bhatkhande. Patiala gharana The well-known Allu-Fattu are often credited with establishing this gharana even though Kale Khan is the person responsible for this achievement. He provided preliminary training to both his son Ali Baksh (Allu) and Ali’s friend Fateh Ali Khan (Fattu), and Kale Khan’s illustrious teachers continued the instruction. The Patiala gharana is considered an off-shoot of the Delhi gharana. Bade Ghulam Ali Khan (1901-69) brought glory to this singing tradition, and brought much of his own style into the gharana’s stamp. His voice had an astounding range and clarity, and the effortless execution of even the most complex ragas is a strength that others owing allegiance to this gharana lean toward. Close attention is paid to swara, layakari, and bols (perfect enunciation being a hallmark of the gharana). Bade Ghulam Ali Khan’s ability to span all three octaves while singing the satta-t ns (short spiralling patterns) and the shortened tonal aspect brought glimpses of the tappa (fast-paced, short, light-classical songs of Punjab) into this classical forte. However, this was appropriately restricted to the chhota khayal. But he did grant a special place to both tappa and thumri (a light classical style) singing, and went on to sing thumris in the tappa style! The clear enunciation of notes notwithstanding, there was and is an abundance of ornamentation that has been criticized as being entirely superfluous. Sargams often replace the text, and note-combinations are used in unconventional placements. The gharana regards these as being integral to the mood and emotion of the raga which became in many ways a means of expressing the singer’s response to the raga. The shringara rasa of the tappas and thumris is a fitting mood for the singing style of this gharana, and the raga selection in its repertoire reflects this. Malkauns, Bhupali, Gunakali were the ragas of Bade Ghulam Ali’s choice, and even today, these and similar ragas such as Megh Malhar predominate. Renowned singers of the Patiala gharana include Munnawar Ali Khan (Bade Ghulam Ali Khan’s son), Pandit Ajoy Charavorty, Raza Ali Khan, Parveen Sultana. Rampur-Sahaswan gharana The founder of this gharana is Ustad Inayat Hussain Khan (1849-1919), son-in-law of Haddu Khan of the Gwalior gharana, and disciple of, among others, Ustad Bahadur Hussain Khan (Tansen’s descendant). Inayat Hussain Khan was born in Sahaswan and lived his professional life in Rampur. The city was an important centre of dhrupad singing, and together with the fact of Haddu Khan’s teaching, there are definite influences of dhrupad, and the Gwalior gharana. For example, the prevalence of ornaments in the Rampur-Shahaswan singing style. Hence, the gharana is regarded as an off-shoot of the Gwalior gharana. The alap of this gharana is structured and uses techniques like the behlava to express the mood of the raga. The bandish section stretches through the sthayi and antara sections, both of which are sung fully. The text is sung clear and strong so as to wholly reveal its literary nature. This is followed by sargams, akars and bols sung in all three tempos – slow, medium, and fast. Madhya laya is the preferred tempo for raga performance. These features are very similar to those of the Gwalior gharana. The t ns of this gharana are executed in the characteristic style, and end on the shadja. The number of t ns popular in the Rampur-Sahaswan style is far more than in the other gharanas, and includes sapat-t ns, halaq-t ns, chut-t ns, bol-t ns, and tappa t ns. Apart from the classical ragas in its repertoire, the gharana favours tarana singing. This is clearly seen in the choice of ragas like Bhupali-Todi, Bahadur-Todi, Yaman, Kedar, Bihag, Gaud-Sarang, Chhaya Nat. The renowned singers of this gharana include Ustad Mushtaq Hussain Khan (trained by Inayat Hussain Khan himself), Ustad Nissar Hussain Khan (Inayat Hussain Khan’s son-in-law), Ghulam Mustafa Khan, Rashid Khan, Ghulam Sadiq Khan, Shanno Khurana, Sulochana Brihaspati. Mewati gharana The semi-classical music of this gharana founded by Ghagge Nazir Khan avoids the accepted norm of elongating words for the sake of rhythm. Sargams and t ns (such as sapat-t ns) are employed to provide the versatile link that is needed. The literary context and the emotional appeal of the raga are stressed, and expressed through the use of techniques such as the murchhana technique (enhancing the raga by changing the tonic). This last is important because of the emphasis on the mood (rasa, bhava) of the raga. This school can be said to be bhava-pradhan (pradhan: of great importance, superior), and as such the ornamentations and the structure of the performance are geared to ensuring a continuity. This, the akar is conspicuous by its absence (as in the Kirana gharana). The bandish section is characterised by the notes and the raga itself that span all three octaves; the mukhda of both sthayi and antara sections is developed through bol alap. This part closes with the mukhda of the sthayi section, to be followed by layakari and ornamental devices particularly the gamak and sapat t ns. The bhajan quality of the performances is a feature unique to this gharana, and reveals a religious influence. The gharana is represented by Pandit Jasraj and his two disciples Sanjeev Abhyankar and Rattan Sharma. This is reminiscent of Ghagge Nazir Khan and his two disciples, Nathulal and Chamanlal. Nathulal’s nephew Pandit Motiram continued the tradition through his sons Pandit Maniram and Pandit Jasraj. Bhendi Bazar gharana A lesser-known but influential gharana, the Bhendi Bazar school was founded by Ustad Chhajju Khan, Ustad Nazir Khan and Ustad Khadim Hussain Khan in the late nineteenth century. They trained under their father Dilawar Hussain Khan, and Inayat Hussain Khan of the Rampur-Sahaswan gharana. The akar sung in an open voice, the prevalence of merkhand (intricate singing of the sargam), and a clear articulation and intonation are the characteristic features of this gharana. Stringent practice of breath control permits the singer to sing a long stretch of the raga without pausing. Renowned singers of this gharana include Ustad Aman Ali (who specialized in complex sargams without sidelining swara and laya, and taught Lata Mangeshwar, known also as ‘India’s nightingale’), Anjanibai Malpekar (who taught Kishori Amonkar). (Courtesy of India Heritage)

Selected Audio Probes :

The Gwalior Gharana http://www.itcsra.org/sra_story/sra_story_guru/sra_story_guru_links/sra_story_guru_gharana/gharana.asp?gharanaid=1

The Etawa Gharana

by Imrat Khan Saheb

A Gharana

Indian Classical music can be described a religion whereby the music, knowledge and musical research was traditionally passed down from guru to disciple by word of mouth. In many old musical families the guru or teacher, is the father and the disciple or student, the son. A Gharana, or Musical Dynasty is formed when this process of teaching is passed down for five or six generations. There are two types of gharana in India, direct gharanas in which music has remained within a family and indirect gharanas, where in the absence of sons or musically talented sons, the teacher chooses to pass on his knowledge to a talented student. In India there are very few direct or true gharanas left. Ustad Imrat Khanâ€™s Etawa Gharana is one of them.

The Etawa Gharana

The Etawa Gharana, also fondly know as the ImdadKhani Gharana after Ustad Imrat Khan’s grandfather Ustad Imdad Khan, is one of the oldest, most illustrious gharanas of Indian classical music. It traces its origins back through an unbroken line of celebrated musicians to the 16th Century where music has been passed down from father to son for almost 400 years. With its roots in Agra, the Gharana was later moved to Etawa on the outskirts of Agra before finally moving to Calcutta with Ustad Inayat Khan, the father of Ustad Imrat Khan. The true value of the Gharana can be understood by looking at its accomplishments. The ancestors of Imrat Khan were fascinated with musicology and searching for the most perfect and purest sounds. Through their research modern Indian Classical music has been redefined. The Gharanas major achievements are the development of the surbahar, major structural changes to both the sitar and surbahar and the creation and development of the instrumental style known as the gayaki ang. Not only has the true art and knowledge of music been preserved by this Gharana despite external pressures of a changing country but it has also produced the most legendary names in Indian classical music through each generation. *** The Vishnupur Gharana Gharana, as the word suggests, is a school of thought or a particular system or a style in music. Presentation of the same raga with stylistic variations led to the origin of these gharanas or schools of music. These gharanas formed the nucleus of demonstrative art. The glorious heritage of Hindustani music, as we find it to this day, has been preserved by great musicians of the past who have handed down their rich resources in the classic tradition of guru-shishya parampara, maintaining in each case the individual trends of their gharanas. The Vishnupur Gharana of Bengal has a prestigious past, the history of which has little been revealed. Vishnupur, the town of Lord Vishnu, is at present a subdivision town of Bankura district in West Bengal. The historic name of the Rarh region of West Bengal is Mallabhum. Though not vast in area, the region holds a significant position in matters such as political vigour, civilization and culture. Historians suggest that Mallabhum had once been the cultural centre of Eastern India. Among its cultural achievements, music had the highest honour. Here I am to discuss some features of the Vishnupur Gharana, along with a few major historical references, that have left indelible impressions upon the music of Bengal. In the later part of the eighteenth century and towards the early and mid-nineteenth century, when music of different gharanas were gradually having their assimilation in the city-centre of Calcutta, the dhrupad style flourished among the musicians of Vishnupur. To recapitulate history, the Maharaja of Vishnupur was a contemporary of Emperor Aurangzeb. The Senia Gharana was then in full bloom and its reputation spread throughout India. Its influence on the music of Vishnupur was enormous. It was around this time that the famous dhrupad singer Bahadur Khan of the Senia Gharana, descendant of Tansen, came at Vishnupur and made his gharana popular. The next Maharaja of Vishnupur, Raghunath Singh Deo II, steered his attention towards popularizing Bahadur Khan. At this time, the Ustad expressed his desire to settle down in Vishnupur and the Maharaja made all arrangements to honour him as his court singer. The Maharaja also announced that anyone having a sweet voice and interested in music could learn from Bahadur Khan without any fees. He also bore the financial liability for the poor students. In time, a good number of students became the disciples of Bahadur Khan. Among the disciples of Bahadur Khan, the name of Gadadhar Chakravorty is noteworthy. Bahadur Khan was not only a vocalist but could also efficiently play on such instruments as the veena, the rabab and the sursringar. Gadadhar Chakravorty learned from his master both vocal and instrumental music. Among his worthy disciples were such talents as Ram Shankar Bhattacharya and Jadu Bhatta, whose name spread throughout India. Most of the exponents of Vishnupur learned dhrupad song and instrumental music simultaneously. Vishnupur was at that time the cultural capital of India. Shri Anantalal Banerjee of Vishnupur was an illustrious musician who had his training from Shri Ramshankar Bhattacharya in both vocal and instrumental music. Anantalal’s sons, Shri Ramprasanna Banerjee, Shri Gopeswar Banerjee and Shri Surendranath Banerjee, were prodigies of this gharana. Shri Radhika Prosad Goswami, disciple of Anantalal Banerjee, earned great fame as a dhrupad singer. Among the students of Shri Radhika Prosad were Shri Girijashankar Chakravorty, Jogendra Nath Banerjee and Dhirendra Nath Bhattacharya who won their acclamation in the early conferences of Calcutta. Sangeetacharya Tarapada Chakravorty, Jamini Ganguli, Sailen Banerjee and many others learned from Girijashankar Chakravorty. Our great poet, Rabindranath Tagore had his trainings in the dhrupad style from Radhika Prosad Goswami and Jadu Bhakti of Vishnupur. The dhrupad style of Vishnupur had a good deal of influence on many of the songs composed by Tagore. Shri Ramprasanna Banerjee, the guru of my father the late Gokul Nag, also received his training from Sajjad Muhammed, son of Gulam Muhammed. Sajjad Muhammed was then staying at Jorasanko Rajbati of Raja Sourendra Mohan Tagore of Calcutta. During that time Shri Nilmadhab Chakravorty, the grandson of Gadadhar Chakravorty was teaching Raja Jotindra Mohan Tagore. Ustad Allauddin Khan of Maihar took his lessons in surbahar from Shri Nilmadhab Chakravorty. Shri Ganendra Prosad Goswami, the nephew of Radhika Prosad Goswami was a very famous musician. He recorded many songs for the Gramophone Company of India. I have mentioned before the name of Shri Gopeswar Banerjee, a great pioneer of the music of Vishnupur. He was the court musician of the Maharaja of Burdwan, Narajol and Mayurbhanj. He wrote a number of books on musicology as Sangeet Chandrika, Geet-Darpan, Geet-Praveshika, Sangeet Lahari and others. Shri K. C. Dey, the uncle of Manna Dey, the popular light music singer of Bengal, also learned dhrupad from Shri Gopeswar Banerjee. Kshetramohan Goswami, another maestro in this area, was a disciple of Ramshankar Bhattacharya. It was he who invented the Dandamatrik system of notation in Bengal. Until a few years ago the name of the late Satyakinkar Banerjee was well-known among the music lovers of Calcutta. Besides vocal music, he was adept in surbahar and sitar: the late Pandit Nikhil Banerjee and myself, have listened to his playing in his house at Calcutta. His sons, Shri Amiya Ranjan Banerjee, ex-professor of Rabindra Bharati University, Shri Nihar Ranjan Banerjee, Professor of Rabindra Bharati University and Shri Monoranjan Banerjee, are now representing the Vishnupur Gharana, almost in its twilight days, bearing just a few glimpses from its age-old tradition. I would like to draw the conclusion of my discussion with this opinion that, although every gharana has its own distinctive style of presentation, no creative art can develop within any rigorous binding. Music is the highest among fine arts. Every individual has his own build-up of the mind, his own environmental influences that will leave remarkable traces upon his music. Through his creation the artist, in a sense, manifests his soul – the Atma. While presenting his art, he is in a state of emotional exaltation. Hence, two artistes, belonging to the same gharana, need not necessarily have the same way of presentation. Variations must be accepted, otherwise creative music would have become identical with composed music. The artiste’s quest should not be after what genre he belongs to but after what he is. — (A paper presented by Pandit Manilal Nag at the Seminar on Sitar organized by the Sangeet Research Academy, 23 September 1990, Bombay.) (For a demonstration Please note also : http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=J-oW2w4zYd8 ) *** The Bishnupur Gharana INTRODUCTION The Bishnupur Gharana (alternatively spelt Vishnupur Gharana) is a form of the Drupad tradition of Hindustani music. It originated in Bishnupur, which derived its name as “city of Vishnu” in Bengali. In the ancient past, this area, known as Mallabhum was the abode of Malla Kings, once the cultural centre of Eastern India. Bishnupur Gharana was established in 1370 A.D. by the court musicians Bahadur Khan of Malla Kings.Bahadur Khan was not only a vocalist but could also dexterous instrumentalist. Historical evidence points to Pt. Ramachandra Bhattacharya, a disciple of Ud. Bahadur Khan as the founder of the gharana. Bishnupur Gharana therefore has a strong link to Betia Gharana through this unbroken relationship. In the later part of the eighteenth century and towards the early and mid-nineteenth century, when music of different Gharanas were gradually assimilating around the Khayal style, the Dhrupad style continued flourishing among the musicians of Bishnupur. In this style, the artist excels in unfolding the beauty of the Raga through the alap. It is simple, devoid of heavy, cumbersome ornamentation. It is free from intricate play with the rhythm. Layakari is however allowed in Dhamar, another form of vocalization. The Khayal of the Bishnupur School is noted for its sweet, lilting melody. It is adorned with the usual ornaments, which add variety to the melodic presentation of the Raaga. The dhrupad of the Bishnupur gharana uses shuddha dhaivata in raga vasanta, a touch of komal nisada in the descending notes of Raga bhairava. It has abandoned kadi madhyam (proper center) in raga ramakeli, and uses suddha dhaivata in raga puravi and komal nisad in raga vehaga. It has also developed its own character with regard to rhythm. Its origins and the development have led to a great openness in the teaching and evolution within this gharana. Gadadhar Chakraborty, his main disciple helped him to create Bishnupur Gharana. Later Krishna Mohan Goswami, Ram Sankar Bhattacharya and his son Ram Keshab Bhattacharya continued the tradition. During this period appeared Jadu Bhatta (Jadunath Bhattacharya), who took this music to a higher region and made a well known through out India. Other important contributors are Dinabandhu Goswami, Ananta Lal Bandyopadhyay. Rama Prasanna Bandyopadhyay, Radhika Prasad Goswami, Gopeshwar Bandyopadhyay, Surendranath Bandyopadhyay are the next generation musicians, who were the great exponents of Bishnupur Gharana. The disciples of Rama Prasanna Bandyopadhyay, Sri Gokul Nag (Sitar) and Asesh Chandra Bandyopadhyay (son, Esraj) carried the reputation of Bishnupur Gharana to higher standard. Poet and Nobel laureate, Rabindra Nath Tagore had his training in the Dhrupad style from Radhika Prosad Goswami. The Dhrupad style of Bishnupur had a good deal of influence on many of the songs composed by Tagore. One of the great exponents of this Gharana was the famous Jadubhatta. Bishnupur Gharana has not only enriched the Hindusthani classical music but also brought a subtle variation in style. Its Dhrupad is unmatched. Ranadhir Roy (1943 – 1989) was a noted connoisseur of Esraj. Further Surendranath Bandyopadhyay son of Anantalal Bandyopadhyay and Bindubasini Devi, daughter of Surendranath are the names to be mentioned. Sri Manilal Nag son of Gokul Nag is an acclaimed Sitar player today, who hails from Bishnupur Gharana. Dr. Debabrata Singha Thakur, a disciple of Gopeswar Bandopadhaya and a direct descendent of Kuchiakol lineage of Malla dynasty is another exponent of Bishnupur Gharana. At present, Ram Saran Music College is dedicatedly popularizing the Bishnupur Gharana before the world community. The Ramsaran Music College was established in the year of 1897 by Sangeet Guru Ramsankar Bhattacharyay, after the name of Late Ramsaran Mukhopadhyay, who contributed Rs.40,000.00 at that time. It is considered to be the oldest Music college in India. Initially it was constituted as a music school. Desikottam Dr. Gopeswar Bandopadhyay was the founder principal of this college. in the year of 1943, he converted this institution as College. After his death, his brother Padmasree Sangeet Ratnakar Surendranath Bandopadhyay succeeded as the Principal of this college. OBJECTIVES The primary objective of this college is to preserve, popularize and improvise the rich cultural tradition of Bishnupur Gharana and present before the world community. It devotes in integrating Bishnupur Gharana with other Indian Gharanas. It devotes on training of Bishnupur Gharana by observing strict discipline of Guru-Sishya Parampara. It renders financial assistance to the meritorious scholars for continuation of studies in music. *** The Bishnupur Gharana: an interview with Pandit Sujit Gangopadhyay Arijit Mahalanabis (1) Of all of the Dhrupad traditions in India, perhaps the most obscure is the Dhrupad tradition of Bishnupur. The Bishnupur Gharana has significantly influenced the popular, urban and folk music of Bengal. However, its contributions to the world of classical music have not necessarily been well understood, or indeed, even appreciated. One of the difficult realities of Indian classical music today is that one’s geographic location, to a great extent, limits one’s ability to be heard or appreciated. This is certainly the case with the musicians who practice in Bishnupur. Removed from the urban musical stronghold of Kolkata many of these musicians toil in obscurity without the benefit of popular acclaim. It is difficult to say that Pandit Sujit Gangopadhyay is one such musician. As a prolific and accomplished performer, active teacher and able administrator, Sujit Babu is a well established figure of the Gharana. However, as a musician living and performing in Bishnupur, his views on the issues related to the gharana’s present, past and future are rather enlightening, and perhaps more thought-provoking than those of his contemporaries who perform Bishnupuri music in Kolkata and elsewhere. In this interview conducted on 5th September, 2009, I asked Pandit Gangopadhyay about a variety of different aspects of his gharana. Arijit Mahalanabis [AM]: Namaskar Panditji. Thank you for taking the time to talk to me about the Bishnupur Gharana. Can you begin by saying a few words about the gharana’s present state and its past achievements? Sujit Gangopadhyay [SG]: The Bishnupur Gharana passed through a golden age a long time ago. Many great musicians from the gharana practiced music contemporaneously, and the gharana was famous throughout India. This may not be the case today, but the gharana is seeing something of a revival. More students are studying this music, and demand amongst audiences too is growing. Of course, musical giants are not born every day. However those who are involved with the gharana at present are doing their work, practicing music, and teaching and learning the tradition. Our age-old tradition manages to continue. AM: Can you tell me something about your gurus? What contributions did they make to the gharana especially with regard to Dhrupad and Dhamar? SG: My father, Amarnath Gangopadhyay, practiced both Khayal and Dhrupad. He was my first guru. He studied with Atulkrishna Bandhopadhyay, one of the great musicians of our gharana. Atulkrishna in turn, was a student of Gopeshwar Bandhopadhyay[2], and Ustad Tusiruddhujin Khan. He studied Dhrupad and Dhamar from Gopeshwar Babu, and Khayal from the Ustad.[3] As for me, I went on to study with Amiya Ranjan Bandhopadhyay, a major figure in our gharana at present. Amiya Babu is considered to be the senior-most artist in the state of West Bengal today. He belongs to a much respected family in our gharana. His father was Satyakinkar Bandhopadhyay, a great exponent of both Khayal and Dhrupad. I should point out that a very significant aspect of Satyakinkar Babu and Amiya Babu’s music is that they have both put equal emphasis on the practice of Dhrupad and Khayal, and have maintained both styles side-by-side.[4] This was true of Gopeshwar Babu’s music also. It is a common notion that Bishnupur Gharana is a Dhrupad gharana. But really, it is a gharana that puts equal emphasis on both Dhrupad and Khayal. Certainly Dhrupad occupies a hallowed ground in the gharana. But the great musician Ramprasanna Bandhopadhyay, who was Gopeshwar Babu’s elder brother and guru, and the son of Anantalal Bandhopadhyay, was an accomplished instrumentalist. His student was sitarist Gokul Nag, the father of Manilal Nag, and one of Ravi Shankar’s gurus. Sitar, as you know, is a Khayal ang instrument. Ashesh Badhopadhyay, the son of Ramprasanna Babu, was a great Esraj player. In fact, Rabindranath was very fond of him, and he spent his life at Vishwa Bharati. So although Dhrupad is very important in the Bishnupur Gharana, it is not the only music found in the gharana. Bishnupur as a gharana encompasses Dhrupad, Khayal and Instrumental music in a very complete and exhaustive way. As a member of this gharana, I personally practice both Dhrupad and Khayal.[5] AM: Can you describe the process of receiving talim from your gurus? SG: As I said I received my training from my father. As you know, our guru-shishya parampara requires us to sit with the guru, learn the chalan, roop and overall emotion of the raga, and then repeat the guru’s musical phrases over and over again. I too learned in this traditional way. For example, my father might say to me, look at the komal re and ga in Todi. Both these are somewhat flatter than the usual komal re and komal ga. One might say they are atikomal. Many ragas use these notes, but Todi is special. These things are best learned by listening to and repeatedly singing with one’s guru. It is very difficult to write such things down on a sheet of paper. See how the komal re in Bhairav is different than Todi! It is a bit higher than the usual komal re. Also as you know Bhairav has andolit Re and Dha. They are andolit in Ramkali also. But the Re-Dha andolan in Bhairav is somewhat wider, with a more Tivra bent. For this reason, when Dha is taken andolit in Bhairav, a small touch of Komal Ni also appears, from the extensive upswing of the note. It now shows as a vivadi swar regularly in performances of the raga. The same is true of Re. Its upswing in the andolan places it at a shruti that is quite a bit Tivra from the usual Komal Re. While we wouldn’t say these vivadis are part of the raga, in performance they do happen. Ramkali on the other hand has these andolans, but they are not nearly as Tivra, and as a result these vivadi chhayas of the Re and Dha do not arise. The only way to learn such subtleties is through the medium of the guru. One cannot learn these from a page. This is the kind of training I received in the Guru-Shishya Parampara. AM: Did your gurus describe such subtleties in words, the way you have just done, or were these principles that you gleaned by singing with them? SG: First they would speak about it, and then demonstrate musically.[6] AM: As you know, some gharanas like the Agra Gharana are known for Bolbant and Layakari. Others like the Dagar Bani are known for their work with the shrutis. What would you say are the stylistic characteristics of the Bishnupur Gharana? SG: Vaishnav thought is central to the Bishnupur Gharana. Our kings were adherents and philosophers of Vaishnavism. Hence the entire culture revolved around the idea of Bhakti. When you come to Bishnupur, you will see there are uncountable numbers of temples devoted to Krishna and Radha. For this reason, the music of our gharana, instead of focusing on virtuosity and ustadi, is centered more on Bhakti ras, and giving rise to feelings of devotion in both the musician and the listener. This is why Rabindranath found this musical style more to his liking. Because many Dhrupad gharanas do not focus on the Bhakti aspect of the composition, some musicians belonging to such gharanas do not even sing the four parts of the composition clearly! Many musicians start by singing the sthayi and then begin doing bolbant and layakari on the sthayi. Then they sing the antara and launch into bolbant and layakari on the antara. And often the sanchari and abhog are dropped altogether! Here, we sing all four parts clearly first. After that, we do some Bolbant. Because of this approach, the gravity of the composition stands out.[7] By the way, the word Dhrupad refers to a composition. Alap is not part of a Dhrupad. It is a separate genre altogether. We sing it before a Dhrupad because when Dhrupad is sung on its own, the presentation is too short. The ras that is within the raga that can attract the human mind becomes obscured. Therefore, by singing the Alap, the beauty of the raga becomes apparent, and the direct appeal of the raga to the heart becomes clear. But Alap is a totally different form of music from Dhrupad. It is anibaddha first of all. Dhrupad by its very name and nature cannot be anibaddha.[8] But coming back to your question, singing the four parts clearly and without distortion is very important in our Gharana, so that the depth of meaning and feeling, the resonance of bhakti that is in the text, in full measure finds a home in the listener’s mind. In my limited experience, most other gharanas do not treat the four parts clearly. And as I said, musicians start doing Bolbant in the middle without first showing the full composition. But another issue is that sometimes the Bolbant becomes too much and overwhelms the composition and its intent. There is a lack of a sense of proportionality in this respect. So, to sum up, in the Bishnupur Gharana, the full form of the composition is more important than a display of virtuosity in Bolbant. AM: But it is not the case that you don’t do any Bolbant at all, is it? SG: No, no. It is definitely a part of the performance. But it is secondary in importance. You see, the Bolbant is the alankar or the ornamentation of Dhrupad. In Dhrupad one cannot do ornamentation that is often associated with other musical genres, because these reduce the overall gravity of the composition. So the Bolbant is the only way to ornament the composition. But it is a secondary feature of the performance, and we don’t let it overwhelm the Dhrupad.[9] AM: Is there a particular manner in which the Bolbant of Bishnupur is meant to unfold in a performance? SG: When you first start learning Bolbant, you learn to move in dugun, tigun, chaugun, chhegun, and so on, in a very methodical manner. But when we perform, we don’t progress in such a systematic manner from dugun to tigun, to chaugun, etc. I, for one, mostly improvise in dugun and tigun. I try to be as creative as possible in my own way in these layas, keeping in mind the positioning of the taal. Bolbant in Dhrupad is like Taankari in Khayal. In Khayal, you set a tempo and move as per your thinking. Just like that, a Dhrupadiya unfolds his creativity in the present tempo using Bolbant as a device. On the odd occasion I might sing one pre-determined movement. But it is largely extemporaneous in nature. AM: But in teaching students, you systematically teach them dugun, tigun, chaugun and so on? SG: Yes, when basic training is being done, we teach fixed movements in each type of laya. Often the focus is on retaining the melody of the composition while changing the laya.[10] But as I said, in performance, it is done extemporaneously. AM: Can you tell me more about the compositions that make up the Bandish repertoire of the Bishnupur Gharana? What is their origin? Were they mostly written by Bishnupur musicians? SG: No, no, not at all. The Bishnupur Gharana is really an offshoot of the Seni Gharana. It is differentiated stylistically because after Tansen’s descendent Bahadur Khan, the founder of our gharana, came to Bishnupur, he imparted his knowledge to Gadadhar Chakrabarty, and he in turn taught Ramshankar Bhattacharya, and in the process the Seni style changed into something distinctive and quite able to stand on its own. But the majority of the compositions are attributable to Tansen, Baiju Bavara, Bahadur Khan’s son, etc.[11] AM: But a little while ago, you mentioned that the Bishnupur Gharana is characterized by Bhakti ras. Then, where did these texts come from? It seems unlikely that Bahadur Khansaheb would write these compositions. SG: No, some of these came from Gopeshwar Bandhopadhyay, Surendranath Bandhopadhyay, Ramprasanna Bandhopadhyay and others. But there are many compositions of Tansen’s and Baiju Bavara’s as well.[12] AM: If I remember correctly, the Bishnupur Gharana had another line of musicians that included the vocalist Gyanendra Prasad Goswami. SG: Well, the truth is that Gyanendra Prasad Goswami was not that involved with classical music. He did not sing Dhrupad, Dhamar and Khayal as much, and therefore is somewhat removed from the gharana. His uncle, Radhika Prasad Goswami was a classical musician of Bishnupur Gharana. But Gyanendra Prasad Goswami, although he had studied everything, was better known for Ragashray Bangla Gaan.[13] He had an incredibly beautiful voice that together with his command of Ragashray Bangla Gaan created a somewhat different stream of music from the classical Bishnupur Gharana. Further Gyanendra Prasad had taken talim from Ustad Faiyaz Khan, and as a result had veered somewhat towards the Agra Gharana.[14] AM: Is the Ragashray Gaan tradition continuing in your gharana? SG: Well, actually, the gharana tilts more towards the classical side. There is more emphasis put on Dhrupad and Khayal.[15] AM: In many gharanas, there is no real differentiation between Dhrupad and Dhamar. The Dhamar is sung like a Dhrupad, just in a cycle of 14 beats. What is the position of the Bishnupur Gharana on the differentiation between Dhrupad and Dhamar? SG: Dhrupad and Dhamar are completely separate genres. Khayal and Thumri are not the same, are they? Similarly Dhrupad and Dhamar are not the same. Dhamar is sung after Dhrupad, to appeal to the heart of the common listener, just like Thumri is sung as a light piece after Khayal. Dhamar is called “Hori Gaan”, a song sung to represent the color play of Radha and Krishna. On the other hand, we think of classical Dhrupad as being sung in praise of Brahma, Vishnu and Shiva. There are certainly Dhrupad compositions that are dedicated to Radha and Krishna, or to some historical figure, a king or an important person. But those aren’t considered classical Dhrupad compositions. The truly classical ones are in praise of one of the Hindu trinity.[16] AM: Do you do Bolbant in Dhamar? SG: We not only do bolbant in Dhamar, it is often found to a greater degree in Dhamar than in Dhrupad. We also often do not sing all four parts in Dhamar. It is limited to two, to appeal more to the common listener. In my opinion, one can say that Dhamar is a Dhrupad ‘ang’ song, but not a Dhrupad. Dhamar is the ‘laghu’ of Dhrupad. Dhamar has a lower status than Dhrupad, and is meant to follow up after the heavy dhrupad to lighten the mind and mood. At least this is what I feel.[17] AM: I am a little confused about the history of your gharana. In a number of sources the beginning of the gharana is attributed to Ustad Bahadur Khan. But in a number of other sources, the beginning of the gharana is dated to the 12th or 13th century.[18] SG: No, such an early date would be inaccurate. Before Bahadur Khan came to Bishnupur, there was indeed music here. But it was in the form of kirtan, musical storytelling, and folk music. Classical music was not present. The enthusiasm that King Raghunath Singha II showed for classical music must have had an origin somewhere in the music of the region. But it was only after he brought Bahadur Khan to Bishnupur that classical music took hold. Further, it is only after the transmission of musical knowledge to Gadadhar Chakrabarty and Ramshankar Bhattacharya that a coherent and distinctive style of musical presentation formed and became known as the Bishnupur Gharana. Therefore, the Bishnupur Gharana can only be spoken of after the time of Ustad Bahadur Khan. You see, at that time, there was no communication with classical musicians. There was no way for them to visit and perform their music in Bishnupur on a regular basis. As a result, no classical music culture formed. It was for this reason that King Raghunath Singha II brought Bahadur Khan to Bishnupur and had him settle here and teach here. As a result a culture of classical music began to develop that finally found full expression in the music of Ramshankar Bhattacharya. For this reason, in the Bishnupur Gharana, Ramshankar Bhattacharya is referred to as Sangeet Guru. And in turn, he trained a generation of great musicians: Anantalal Bandhopadhyay, Kshetramohan Goswami, Jaddu Bhatta, and others.[19] AM: In many gharanas you see a slight differentiation in style between artists. For example in the Atrauli-Jaipur Gharana, the approach taken by Mallikarjun Mansur is distinct from the approach taken by Kishori Amonkar. Do you see differentiation of this sort in Bishnupur Gharana as well? SG: Let me address a broader question. Take Mallikarjun Mansur as an example. He had a very distinctive style. But after him very few if any have followed his way of singing. There has been a total change in Hindustani music across India after Amir Khansaheb. Khayal music, in the time of Faiyaz Khansaheb was sung in a Dhrupad ang, and didn’t sound at all like the Khayal that is heard across India today. The Agra Gharana today has come to an end. You’ll find no one singing that old style of music. After Amir Khansaheb, the very nature of Ragadari has changed. The way we hear ragas—and why just us, all of India for that matter—take the case of Bhimsen Joshi who is a great admirer of Amir Khansaheb’s music and once even approached Khansaheb about learning from him—it is all different today.[20] See, progress and development are ever present. Each human being interprets change based on his/her musical thinking, timbre of the voice, emotional expression, and musical training. As a result no two musicians will sound the same. It is impossible to hold things in a static state. Because of the changes that are happening to our environment, even the way human beings look is changing. So why won’t the music change? Changes in attitudes and societal expectations, what is considered aesthetic, how audiences receive music inevitably impact the music of musicians. So what we can say is that there is an emerging new style of music. And there are deviations from this style by each musician to some extent that take into account his/her experience. Now coming to the Bishnupur Gharana, if you listen to Satyakinkar Bandhopadhyay, you will find a distinct style. If you listen to Ramesh Bandhopadhyay, you will find a different style. Ramesh Babu’s is more moderate in nature, just as his nature was moderate. I have not heard many of the old time musicians of the gharana, although I have heard Gopeshwar Babu. I must say that the approach taken by his descendants was rather more moderate than Gopeshwar Babu’s. And there is good reason. As time passes, progress happens and thinking changes. These younger musicians had access to Gopeshwar Babu’s innovations at a young age, and could build on his thinking. But despite the differences, we are all trying to understand and follow the main aesthetic of the gharana in the best way we each can. If I were to describe my own approach, you see, I sing both Khayal and Dhrupad. So when I do Alap, my approach is informed by both. There are so many musicians today who sing Alap that might be technically very difficult, but fails to bring the raga alive. I don’t think of Alap as just a tool for showing the raga swaroop. It is a form of song, just like the other genres. The only thing is that it is anibaddha. Therefore, it should not be a dry exercise. It should enliven the mind and make the listener happy and satisfied. In fact, I would go as far as to say that the only form of song that allows us to express our inner feelings in the medium of the raga fully is Alap. It is that important! AM: You have made clear that the Bishnupur Gharana has a very clear relationship with the Seni Gharana. Are there other gharanas of Dhrupad to which the Bishnupur Gharana is related? SG: It seems like there is some sort of a relationship with Bettiah Gharana. There are some shared characteristics between the two gharanas musically, so it would seem to me that there must have been some sort of a relationship. But I really don’t know for sure. I don’t think there is much of a relationship with other Dhrupad gharanas. AM: What relationship did Rabindranath have to the Bishnupur Gharana? I had heard that he had studied with Jaddu Bhatta. SG: Yes, in a manner of speaking he did. But very importantly we should examine Rabindranath’s connection to Gopeshwar Bandhopadhyay. Although Gopeshwar Babu was much younger, Rabindranath respected him very much. Gopeshwar Babu provided the musical notation for many of Rabindranath’s songs, and through him Rabindranath modeled many of his songs on Dhrupads from the gharana. Rabindranath himself said that he didn’t learn from Jaddu Bhatta in the traditional manner. He never had that opportunity. But he would stand by the window and listen to Jaddu Bhatta as he sang in their house. The Tagore household always had musicians and music in the house. And when Jaddu Bhatta visited, Rabindranath was always at the ready to listen and be influenced by the music. AM: Do you consider Rabindranath to be an artist of the Bishnupur Gharana? SG: Rabindranath wasn’t a musician or artist of the gharana. But he took songs and music from the gharana. Certainly the text of some of his Bengali compositions would hew closely to some traditional compositions of the gharana. But we cannot say he is from the Bishnupur Gharana. One can say that he was deeply influenced by the gharana certainly. Rabindranath said that he didn’t like the Ustadi of the other gharanas. He very much appreciated the Bhakti ras that was part of the Bishnupur approach to music. And further, since he was a poet and writer and his main concern was literature, he needed a musical framework that respected the depth of the literary content. From this perspective Bishnupur Gharana was ideal. AM: As you have said many times, the Dhrupad and Dhamar genres of Bishnupur are full of Bhakti ras. So, was this music performed in the temples or in the darbars? SG: They were most definitely performed in the temples! If you come to Bishnupur you will see that the kings and rulers of the land were extremely powerful. But even then, they did not build a royal palace.[21] Instead they put their wealth into the building of temples. Here you will find uncountable numbers of stone temples, each decorated with terracotta sculptures depicting music and musical activity. One of the major landmarks of the city is Ras Mancha, a temple of 108 doors, where music and the playing of ras holi were an integral part of the temple life. AM: And what about music at the royal court? SG: Since there was no royal palace, the king held his court in front of the temple of Ma Mrinmayee.[22] There is a very old Banyan tree in front of this temple, which has a stone courtyard around its base. The king would sit in this courtyard and hold his court. That’s how strong their belief in Vaishnavism was! For them there were two main responsibilities. One was to maintain their Vaishnav faith. And the other was to maintain the culture of classical music in the kingdom. They seldom indulged themselves in the manner of other royal families. AM: Today, where is Dhrupad performed in Bishnupur? SG: There are a number of yearly concerts that are held purely for Dhrupad. There is an annual Dhrupad conference during the time of the Dol Festival. Musicians from Kolkata and elsewhere come to Bishnupur for this conference. We have a very good auditorium in town named after Jaddu Bhatta where this conference is held. In the last few years, we have had performances by Ritwik Sanyal, Falguni Mitra, Fahimuddin Dagarsaheb, Bahauddin Dagar, to name a few. I too participate in this conference. The whole conference is sponsored by the Central Government. Dr. Sanyal did an excellent workshop on Dhrupad. He expressed the opinion that Alap is an ang of Dhrupad. But I prefer to think of Dhrupad and Alap as separate types of music. This difference came up in the question-answer session after the workshop. But it was on the whole a very well-done workshop. These types of programs are often held in Bishnupur.[23] AM: Is there still music in the temples? SG: No, the governmental department that looks after the temples has forbidden music in the temples. We are not allowed to sing within 100 meters of any temple. This is to protect the structural integrity of the temples. At Ras Mancha, there used to be a lot of music making and playing of colors during the festival of Dol. But not so anymore! Now we do our music next to Ras Mancha, outside of the required perimeter. [Continued in Part III] Notes: 11. There is a basic disconnect here between the idea that the gharana is deeply rooted in Vaishnav philosophy, and the idea that the majority of its compositions come from non-Vaishnav sources. This is the contradiction I was trying to get at with the subsequent question. 12. My sense of the situation is that while a number of Vaishnav texts were contributed by gharana musicians, much of the legitimacy of the gharana derives from its possession of compositions by Tansen, Baiju Bavara and their contemporaries. It would be interesting to see how many compositions of these individuals have been syncretized into a Vaishnav mold to suit the philosophy of the gharana. 13. Ragashray Gaan are Bengali songs set in ragas. 14. The distancing from Gyanendra Prasad Goswami is quite interesting. Clearly Gyanendra Prasad was not classical enough to warrant inclusion (at least to the same degree) as someone like Gopeshwar Bandhopadhyay, in the gharana. Further, the fact that he took talim from Faiyaz Khan is seen as a polluting influence on his Bishnupur credentials. 15. This is interesting because SG has described the Bishnupur Gharana as a collection of various song types: Alap, Dhrupad, Khayal and Instrumental music. However, Bengali songs, even based in classical music are considered to be non-classical. Hence the need for a complete, comprehensive gharana appears to be limited to song types that are considered very strictly classical. 16. SG establishes increasingly higher standards of classicism in describing the repertoire. Dhrupads in praise of the trinity alone are considered truly classical. The remainder falls into another class of somewhat less classical songs. And in SG’s opinion, therefore, Dhamars are less classical than Dhrupads. 17. It is interesting to note that certain sections of the Dagar Gharana actually treat Dhamar in a very deliberate and classical manner, quite to the contrary of what SG is describing. It is fairly clear that this is an artistic choice that arises from the different philosophical directions of these two gharanas. 18. For example, see the Wikipedia entry on Bishnupur Gharana. 19. Here SG acknowledges that musical styles that cannot be considered classical existed in Bishnupur prior to the arrival of Bahadur Khan. Again, these he treats as distinct from the classical tradition, which he considers to be the proper Bishnupur Gharana. Because of the direct lineage from the Seni Gharana, in a sense the claim being made is that the Bishnupur Gharana preserves the repertoire of the Seni tradition which, as far as vocal music, has largely died out elsewhere in India. 20. My sense was that while SG would never state it this way, there was a certain musical oppression in operation. The aesthetic that Amir Khan espoused appears to be so ingrained in the connoisseur population that stylistic alternatives are not even under consideration in this part of India. The apparent uniformity of stylistic approach that one sees amongst the newer set of musicians (including those from the Bishnupur Gharana) appears to be an attempt to cater to the “mean” aesthetic established by Amir Khan. This is purely my analysis of the situation based on what SG had to say. He did not espouse this position himself. 21. This does not seem to fit with the impression I’ve gotten from sources on the ground. There does appear to be some sort of a “Rajbari” structure, suggesting the existence of a royal palace. I didn’t question SG on this issue as I felt he was trying to make a larger point. Even if there is a Rajbari, there is one structure, as opposed to hundreds of temples. The intent of Bishnupuri kings was clear. 22. Curiously, for all of the belief in Vaishnavism, court was held in front of the oldest temple in Bishnupur, a shrine to the goddess Mrinmayee. 23. This divergence in perception of Alap as an independent art form (Bishnupur) as opposed to an integrated portion of the Dhrupad (Dagar) appears to be a result of the distinct view these two schools hold on the place of the composition. The depth, form and meaning of the composition seem to be central to Bishnupur, while this is the case with only some Dagar Bani musicians. The deconstruction of a raga down to its microtones is something that preoccupies the musical intellect of the Dagar musicians to a much greater extent. Notes: 1. Director, Seattle Indian Music Academy. The author would like to thank Tanmoy Ganguly for his invaluable assistance. 2. Gopeshwar Bandhopadhyay (1880-1963) is one of the most notable names of the gharana, and achieved all-India fame as a Dhrupadiya and composer of much merit. 3. SG credits Atukrishna Bandhopadhyay’s Dhrupad training to Gopeshwar Babu and his Khayal training to the Muslim Ustad. This is interesting. Although Ustad Bahadur Khan is credited with starting the Gharana and thus importing the majority of Dhrupads into Bishnupur, I felt there might be a slight distinction here between the Hindu keeper of the tradition, who provided the Dhrupad repertoire and the Muslim keeper of the tradition, who provided the Khayal repertoire. This may not have been a distinction SG wanted to make, but it was something that struck my mind while I talked to him. 4. Here SG begins to lay out the characteristics of the gharana. This is the first characteristic. The gharana takes pride in its equal contributions to Dhrupad and Khayal. 5. In SG’s view therefore, the gharana itself is distinguished by the fact that it never limited itself to one or the other discipline. Dhrupad, Khayal and Instrumental music all found homes in Bishnupur. His views on other musical styles fostered in Bishnupur appear later in the interview. 6. This seems like a significant bit of insight in to pedagogy in Bishnupur. A number of traditional musicians in my experience frown on speaking about the music explicitly. Repeated demonstration through music is used as the only tools of instructing the student. Here SG indicates that verbal discourse was an integral part of the training. 7. There are two very interesting things about these statements. First, a key differentiator between Bishnupur and other gharanas according to SG is that the Bishnupur Gharana is centered on the idea of Bhakti as the main driving force for presentation. Thematic differentiation of this sort across gharanas, as far as I know is never seen. But what legitimizes this claim is his subsequent description of this ideology’s impact on musical style. There is a certain coherence of intent that is not found in what musicians of other gharanas have to say on this topic. 8. Setting Alap aside as a separate ‘song type’ is an unusual view. But this also bolsters the idea of Khayal being an integration of Nibaddha (Dhrupad) and Anibadhha (Alap) into a single form. Here SG seems to be arguing that Dhrupad is a deconstructed form, in which the ‘bhaav’ of the composition in the form of a Dhrupad, is maintained quite distinctly from the ‘ras’ of the raga in the form of the Alap. 9. SG here is drawing a parallel between Bolbant in Dhrupad and Taankari in Khayal, something he will elaborate on later in the interview. 10. That is, the fixed melody and the words of the Dhrupad are sung in dugun, tigun, etc. The composition is essentially sped up while retaining the tempo of the taal. * (For demonstration Please note also: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=E9_5cEvX-B4) * ***

The Kotali Gharana

The Chakraborty family of Kotalipara, Faridpur, of the then East Bengal (now in Bangladesh), is believed to have been originated from Kanauj (U.P.). They were Mishra Brahmins and later migrated to Kotalipara and settled there for about thousand years. Somehow they inherited with them a musical trend specially oriented by Prabandha geeti, Saam gaan and some folk tradition. One of the ancestors of the family, Acharya Biswambhar Chakraborty was drawn towards the mainstream of Indian Classical Music long time ago. He was initiated to Seni Gharana and brought the trend. Tarapada Chakraborty’s father Late Pandit Kulachandra Chakraborty and his uncle Late Pandit Ramchandra Chakraborty had their training from Ustad Jahur Khan of Khurja gharana. Ramchandra had the honour of being the Dwarpandit (court scholar) and the distinguished musician at the court of Maharaja of Natore. Thus, both the brothers had a wide contact with many leading musicians of their time and had a phenomenal collection of musical wealth. Having moved to Calcutta with this rich inheritance, Tarapada Chakraborty first took lessons from Late Pandit Satkari Malakar of Gwalior and Betia gharana especially in Khayal and Tappa. Later, under the guidance of the Great Maestro Late Sangeetacharya Girija Sankar Chakraborty he acquired the distinguished features of various Ragas, styles and traditional Dhrupad, Dhamar and Khayal Bandishes of different gharanas, mainly Seni, Vishnupur, Betia, Delhi, Gwalior, Rampur, Agra, Rangila, Jaipur and Kirana. Girijashankar being a pioneer of Thumri style of singing at that time gave Tarapada Chakraborty an intensive training on the Thumri style of mainly Banaras and Kirana as well. In fact, it is quite discernibly evident that Khayal received a rare authenticity and completeness in the heralding Gayaki of Tarapada Chakraborty in his own way. Sangeetacharya Tarapada Chakraborty, the pioneer of this Kotali Gayaki is the legend adored all over India for his contribution towards Hindustani Classical Music. His worthy son Pt. Manas Chakraborty, the devout pursuer of various sources and streams of Indian Classical Music is enriched by his keen interest in Indian Philosophical traditions of all the existing Gharanas and Gayakies. Exposure to the corresponding confluences of his family’s assertively partisan art of music has focused his attention on the necessity of discarding in order to select and the necessity of differentiating in order to unite. The musical phenomenon of Pt. Manas Chakraborty has attained a new altitude which is his very own and individual and has initiated a new dynamics of allegiance to the human efforts towards life and its values. He sets his Khayal Gayaki in accordance with the character of Raga. His recitals have earned an enviable distinction as an’ “Artist of Artists ”, in various concerts in both at home and abroad. ‘Talim’, ‘tabiat’ and ‘taiari’ with inborn artistry, profound knowledge, intellectuality and cerebral ability has given a new dimension to his unique style of rendition which is now being followed by many artists along with his own disciples. Thus presenting the obscure reality of music in a tangibly graceful elocutionary form with his kalawant gayaki, nayaki and majestic mizaaj has made him an institution by himself in the international realm of Hindustani Shastriya Sangeet. His contribution towards the Hindustani Classical Music for the last fifty years is undoubtedly worth-mentioning and as a ‘Guru’ he is great. The schooling of Indian Classical Music through the mentors of his family and the torchbearers, established around the globe has already entered the seventh- generation and now the new trend of ‘Kotali Gayaki’ is his single handed orchestration, which with the synthesis of diversities has finally created and defined the ultimate shape of ‘ Kotali Gayaki’. His highly technical and eclectic approach though different from his father’s individuality, is finally convergent to the philosophical end of the essence of ‘Kotali Gharana’ ***

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The Great Heritage…

Origin of the Kotali Gharana

The Chakrabarti family of Kotalipara, Faridpur, East Bengal, is believed to be the pursuers of art, culture and education from the ancient times. The musical tradition starts glooming when one of the ancestors of the family was introduced to Vishnupur Gharana (school), and achieved prominence. Biswabrata’s great grandfather Late Kulachandra Chakraborty and his brother Late Pandit Ramchandra Chakraborty had their training from Ustad Jahur Khan of Khurja Gharana (school).

Ramchandra had the honour of being the court musician and scholar at the court of Maharaja of Natore. Thus both the brothers had a wide contact with many leading musicians of their time, and had a phenomenal collection of musical wealth.

Having moved to Kolkata (Calcutta) with his rich musical wealth, Biswabrata’s grandfather, son of Kulachandra, the great legend Late Sangitacharya Tarapada Chakraborty started taking his lessons from the Maestro Late Pandit Satkari Malakar, especially in Kheyal and Tappa and later under the guidance of the Maestro Late Pandit Girijasankar Chakraborty.

Adaption of the other Gharanas

Tarapada Chakraborty acquired and explored the distinguished features of different Ragas and styles, traditional Dhrupad, Dhamar and Kheyal bandish of different Gharanas (schools) like Vishnupur, Betia, Gwalior, Seni, Rampur, Delhi, Agra, Rangila, Jaipur and Kirana.

Pandit Girijasankar being a pioneer of Thumri style at that time gave Tarapada Chakraborty an intensive training on the Thumri style of Benaras and Kirana Gharana (school) as well.
But apart from the training he received, it is quite discerningly evident that Kheyal and Thumri received a rare authentic character and completeness in the heralding Gayaki (style) of Tarapada Chakraborty in its own way. His brother late Pandit Haripada Chakraborty had a golden voice and took training from his ancestors as well as Tarapada Chakraborty.

The next generation of great musicians of the family, Pandit Bimalendu Chakrabarty, Pandit Manas Chakraborty and Srimati Sreela Bandopadhyaya got their training from Sangitacharya Tarapada Chakraborty. They are carrying onward the legacy of this great tradition with their own distinguishable marks and adding new treasures everyday to enrich it.

Biswabrata Chakrabarti…

The musical journey

Biswabrata is the present generation of this great tradition. He was introduced to classical music by his grandfather, the legend Tarapada Chakraborty, in his early childhood. He started vocal training under his guidance; later on he was guided by his father, Pandit Bimalendu Chakraborty, uncle, Pandit Manas Chakraborty and aunt, Srimati Sreela Bandopadhyaya. He also studied tabla under the guidance of Pandit Basudev Mukherjee a disciple of Ustad Keramatulla Khan.

In the age of twelve years he was introduced to Sitar by his mother, Late Srimati Meena Chakraborty who was a fine Sitarist and was the student of Sitarist Pandit Santosh Bandopadhyaya, the disciple of Ustad Dabir Khan of Seni Gharana (school).

He took his early lessons from his mother and Santosh Bandopadhyaya. Later on he started taking lessons from the Sitarist Pandit Ajoy Sinha Roy, the disciple of legendary Ustad Allauddin Khan and his son Ustad Ali Akbar Khan.

In this period Biswabrata explored the styles and applications of these two great Gharanas (schools). But his father Pandit Bimalendu Chakrabarty consistently trained him and played a great role in the formation of this unique style what he is playing now. He was also deeply inspired by the experimental approach of his uncle Pandit Manas Chakraborty, who’s constant training & guidance is invaluable in his making.

Making a musician to an artist

Apart from inheriting the huge wide range of colours of his own ancestors, Biswabrata adopted and assembled the styles of other instrumental Gharanas (schools) to create a unique style of his own and started a new instrumental tradition within his own family tradition.

It could be said that he is a sitarist with a soul of a vocalist and he lifts the instrument to the nearest of the vocal essence of Indian classical music. Apart from the philosophy and depth he is also gifted with phenomenal skill, which is easily traced in his Taans, Gamak, Meer etc. played in difficult vocal approach.

In this long journey since childhood, in the making of a musician to an artist, he has undergone a number of changes in terms of technicality, philosophy and spiritualism, which is an indication of his experimental & perfectionist nature. The aesthetic sense he is gifted with, helps to present his music with the vision of a poet. The depth and the philosophy within helps to represent a new sound and at the same time the deepest spiritualism with rare antique emotions.

Courtesy of Chakraborty family
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Kotali Gharana…

The musical heritage of Kotali gharana (the schooling) emerges from a unique historical background, that spans beyond a millennium. At that time King Chandra Burma used to rule over a wide area of southwest Bengal during the reign of emperor Samudragupta. Kotalipara in the Faridpur Zilla of East Bengal (presently Bangladesh) owes its origin to “Chandraburmankot”, erected circa 315 AD, the remains of which are still extant. “Kot” stands for fort, “Ali” signifies “wall and area surrounding the fort”, and “para” means a settlement or “a neighbourhood”. Kotalipara was known as the second ‘Naimisharanya’ of India. It was inhabited predominantly by the Brahmins and was like a hermitage fostering advancement of the Sanskritic culture and philosophy in its various aspects. In the beginning there was a dearth of Sagnik Brahmins in this region. In 1019 AD Shyamal Burma (or Samal Burma), the king of this region invited Yashodhar Mishra, the son of Maheedhar Mishra of Kanyakubja and gave him 14 villages to settle down. In the following period on Shyamal Burma’s request Yashodhar Mishra brought thirteen more Sgnik Brahmins from Kanauj. According to the “Vaidik Kuladeepika” Yashodhar Mishra retained Kotalipara, Samantasar and Chandradweep in his own account and settled there with some Brahmins of other Gotras. He distributed the other villages among the rest of the Brahmins to settle down. He gave him fourteen villages for settling down. As far as history is concerned he retained Kotalipara for himself and settled down there. Gradually Kotalipara became a nucleus of musical and other cultural practices. Harihar Mishra, the 18th generation of Maheedhar Mishra received the title “Chakraborty” on performing the “Goshthipati Yag”.

Various forms of music have been practised in this gharana from ancient times. Vaidik samgan, Marga/Natyageeti [Magadhi, Ardhamagadhee, Sambhaavita, Prithula and Dhruva] Prabandhageeti and many other kinds of ‘geet’ were in vogue. Later Biswambhar Chakraborty, a descendant of Harihar Chakraborty came in touch with the famous Veenkar and Rabaab player of his time, Saadik Ali Khan, son of the renowned Zafar Khan, a direct descendant of Tansen. Biswambhar learnt some dhrupad ‘Bandishes’ and ‘alaap’ as well as some Khayal bandishes through his association with Saadik, his nephew, Kasim Ali Khan and his disciple, Ganesh Vajpeyee [Source: Kalidas Chakraborty, son of Nyayaratna Ramchandra Chakraborty]. Since Biswambhar Chakraborty was directly involved with the mainstream Hindustani classical music he was naturally drawn to Dhrupad and Khayal. A near contemporary of Bishwambhar Chakraborty and a descendant from another stream of this large family Taraprasanna Chakraborty became a disciple of Jadubhatta of the Bishnupur gharana. The two streams of Seni and Bishnupur gharana from these two sources were carried forward through Biswambhar’s son Sheetalchandra Chakraborty, and his sons Ramachandra (Nyayaratna) and Kulachandra. Ramachandra (Nyayaratna) during his official sojourn in Berili received Taalim from Jahur Khan of Khurja gharana. Jahur Khan in turn took lessons in Sanskrit from Ramchandra. Kulachandra too joined these musical sessions for a short time. Nyayaratna Ramachandra Chakraborty was the Dwar Pandit (court scholar) and a court singer at the state of Natore. Kulachandra had three sons the younger two being Tarapada Chakraborty and Haripada Chakraborty. Their elder brother died at a very early age.

Tarapada’s preliminary training was under his father and uncle. Later he came to Calcutta and received ‘taalim’ from Satkari Malakar, a pre-eminent exponent of the Gwaliar gharana. Finally he received taalim from Girija Shankar Chakraborty who was trained in various gharanas like Betia, Rampur, Jaipur, Seni, Banaras, Kirana, Agra, Delhi, and so on. In his sheer individual endeavour Tarapada earned many musical treasures which adding to his ancestor’s collection created a huge musical treasure trove. There were dhrupad, dhamar, khayal, tappa, thumri and other semi classical musical forms in this collection. Alongside he practiced various folk music and Keertan, which can be considered as a form of classical tradition unique to Bengal. His individual and ethereal style has etched a unique place for him in the realm of Hindustani Classical music. Sangeetacharya Tarapada Chakraborty became a legend in his lifetime. In truth he is the prime architect of the Kotali Gharana.

Pandit Manas Chakraborty, the son and disciple of Sangeetacharya Tarapada Chakraborty is a living legend in the realm of Hindustani Classical Music. With his multifaceted talent, creativity, intellectuality and philosophical views and research on other classical Gayaki of musical traditions, semi classical and folk-forms of India, in alliance with his own tradition opened a new vista in the Kotali gayaki. The Kotali gharana was named after the name of the place of its origin in the phase following 2000 by him in accordance with his father’s wish.

Gaan Saraswati Shreela Bandyopdhyay, an able disciple and the eldest daughter of Sangeetacharaya Tarapada Chakraborty received training under her elder brother Manas Chakraborty too. She established herself as an outstanding vocalist of the Kotali Gharana. Haripada Chazkraborty and his elder son Bimalendu Chakraborty also received Taalim under Sangeetacharya Tarapada Chakraborty. Evidently Manas and Shreela were the prime ambassadors of this gharana who with their recitals kindled the light, essence and the multidimensional gayaki of this gharana in other parts of the world. Currently the vocal and instrumental artistes of this gharana are widely appreciated and established at home and abroad.

Ruchira Panda , an outstanding vocalist and one of the senior disciples of Pandit Manas Chakraborty groomed in the Kotali gharana has earned an enviable distinction amongst the younger musicians in the realm of Hindustani Classical Music. Her gayaki speaks out for her keen interest in aesthetics, spiritual awareness and serenity which is seldom found in modern days. She carefully keeps up with the purity and nuances of the Kotali Gharana aligning with the multifarious gayaki of her Guru and his predecessors.

Courtesy of Ruchira, an outstanding vocalist groomed in the Kotali gharana

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Kotali Gharana : The Heritage & Philosophy
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Kotali Gharana’s musical heritage was deep rooted in history. It goes nearly a thousand years back. Or maybe even more.

At the times of Samrat Samudragupta, Raja Chandrabarma used to rule over a vast territory in south-western Bengal. He built a fort and named it Chandrabarmakot. It is believed that the year was 315 AD. It was a settlement of Sagnik Brahmins and became famous as a centre of cultural learning especially music. However due to natural calamities, the community didn’t survive or migrated and the fort became derelict and it was reduced to ruins.

Several hundred years later and about 1019 AD, the ruler of the land Raja Shyamal Barma directed Jasodhar Misra, the son of Mahidhar Misra to establish a community which was set up around the ruins of the fort and this was christened as Kotalipara (kot = fort, ali = the wall and the land encircling the fort, para = neighbourhood). Later on Jasodhar Misra invited 13 Sagnik Brahmin families to settle in Kotalipara. Soon it was re-established as a centre of musical learning.

Eighteen generations after Mahidhar Misra, Harihar Misra earned the title ‘Chakraborty’. Tarapada was the twentyninth generation of this Chakraborty family.

His father Kulachandra and uncle Ramchandra were students of Zahur Khan of Khurja gharana. Naturally, young Tarapada learned his ropes from these two skilful exponents of Hindustani music. Later in life, he came to Calcutta and received talim from Satkari Malakar of Gwalior and Benaras gharana. His last Guru was Girijasankar Chakraborty who himself was a treasure house and melting pot of many well known gharanas like Kirana, Agra and Jaipur. But the mark of the true artist is originality. Tarapada’s music education was not limited to what he learned from his gurus; he ranged far and wide, dived deep and flew high wherever music would lead him to. Thumri, dhrupad, dhamar, tappa were just a few of his seemingly endless repertoire of musical skills. His originality was an indication of the variety and richness of Hindustani classical music. As years went by, Tarapada’s creativity came out of its shell. The distinct nuances that are not so easy to shed and those that bear the mark of a guru and the gharana were gone and were replaced by a style so rich and original that very soon he was able to establish himself as a supreme artist recognized for his unique presentation.

Baba Alauddin Khan was deeply impressed by Tarapada’s music as indicated in one of his letters. Ustad Fayaj Khan said in an interview aired from Lucknow Radio Station that Tarapada was in his list of top three khayalists.

Tarapada also enjoyed the popularity of the people. He made his mark at an early age of 20, in the year 1929 at the Albert Hall in Calcutta. In the early thirties, he started his career as radio artist but curiously as a tabla player with the recommendation of Raichand Baral. Talent needs a break and Tarapada got his break one evening when the vocalist Jnan Goswami was absent and Raichand Baral asked him to take his place. After that Tarapada did not have to look back. His popularity spread like wildfire throughout India. He started performing for national radio programs and prestigious music conferences with renowned artists like Abdul Karim Khan, Fayaz Khan, Mazaffar Khan, Baba Alauddin Khan, Hafiz Ali Khan, Onkarnath, Ananth Manohar Joshi, Kesarbai, Hirabai, Roshanara Begum, Bade Gulam Ali Khan and many others.

Tarapada was the originator of Bengali khayal, which was just yet another instance of his creativity. There was something different in the way he used sing classical based Bengali songs. It was as different was it was remarkable. It was original.

Tarapada, a maverick, named the style he evolved as the Kotali gharana and thus permanently established a musical heritage that goes back more than 15 centuries to the days of Emperor Samudragupta. His son, Manas Chakraborty kept this heritage alive.

Manas Chakraborty, the devout pursuer of various sources and streams of Indian Classical Music is enriched by his keen interest in Indian Philosophical traditions of all the existing Gharanas and Gayakies. The musical phenomenon of Manas has attained a new altitude which is his very own and individual and has initiated a new dynamics of allegiance to the human efforts towards life and its values. He sets his Khayal Gayaki in accordance with the character of Raga. Gifted with deep sonorous and vibrant voice when he enters the actual territory of the Raga with bandish-gayan and vistaar he uses the method of modal variation of inflection of several notes for the particular ‘Ras’ demands. With ‘Kakuswara’ prayog and also various other suggestively rich ‘meend’(glides), ‘Kan’,‘Khatka’ and by some rare applications of meer-khand process he builds up an aesthetic edifice with his majestic mizaaj and serenity. His innovative and intricate Bahalwa and sargam structures create bridge of transition between the mid-phases of Gayaki of his vistaar and taan. Finally he makes deep into the complex area of taan with thundering gamaks and halaks, culminating in kut, jamjama, sapat and other patterns with such an amazing ease in gradual speeds in extempore that at the very juncture of penetration while rendering in tremendous speed he practically captivates the audience in a state of climatic anxiety. The Maestro boldly makes the manifold moves of his style to achieve an integrated oneness of the eternal Indian ethos, to enrich the dimensions of a particular raga.

His Thumris have created a landmark in the evolution of Hindustani-Music. The abstract soul of the Artist comes out with musical expressions by bol-banana and unfolds his fecund mind with delicacy in his delineation. Although, he was initiated in lachao and Banarasi Thumris by his father he is not at all orthodox and has accepted improvisations and fusions with the Punjabi style and some folk elements in his thumri gayan. In his thumri gayaki one can notice the evolution of styles that has come through the ages and reached an ensemblic height in his style with lyrical values and poetic sensibilities of his own.

Manas is a versatile genius who has unsurpassed mastery of all languages of Khayal, Thumri and various other semi-classical styles of music such as Tappa, Bhajan, Ragpradhan etc. Most of his own created bandishes can be noted by his pseudonym ‘Sadasant’ and he is distinctively adored among the music-lovers while rendering these for his emotional expression essentially romantic, with a great control over his voice with which he can pass-over whatever message he likes to attribute.

Manas’s musical journey started at the tender age of seven along with his illustrious father participating in several conferences. He distinctly remembers the metamorphic initiation as he recalls his performance at the All India Music Conference, at Roxy Cinema Hall, Calcutta around the age of twelve. His astonishing maturity at that age attracted spontaneous praises even from the great exponents of classical music like Ustad Alauddin Khan, Sreemati Kesharbai Kerkar, Pt. Omkarnath Thakur and of course Narayan Rao Vyas who used to affectionately call him the ‘Little Tiger’. Since then he had never looked back, his recitals have earned an enviable distinction as an’ “Artist of Artists ”, in various concerts in both at home and abroad. ‘Talim’, ‘tabiat’ and ‘taiari’ with inborn artistry, profound knowledge, intellectuality and cerebral ability has given a new dimension to his unique style of rendition which is now being followed by many artists along with his own disciples. Thus presenting the obscure reality of music in a tangibly graceful elocutionary form with his kalabant gayaki, nayaki and majestic mizaaj has made him an institution by himself in the international realm of Hindustani Shastriya Sangeet. His contribution towards the Hindustani Classical Music for the last fifty years is undoubtedly worth-mentioning and as a ‘Guru’ he is great. The schooling of Indian Classical Music through the mentors of his family and the torchbearers, established around the globe has already entered the seventh- generation and now the new trend of ‘Kotali Gayaki’ is his single handed orchestration, which with the synthesis of diversities has finally created and defined the ultimate shape of ‘ Kotali Gayaki’. His highly technical and eclectic approach though different from his father’s individuality, is finally convergent to the philosophical end of the essence of ‘Kotali Gharana’.

Courtesy of Pandit Manas Chakraborty

SENI GHARANA AND RAMPUR STATE

During the past two decades, when music conferences became very popular, every musical artist proclaimed that he came front a particular famous Gharana, that is, a particular line of hereditary musical tradition and particular school of musical styles created or followed by great music teachers and their disciples.

Actually, there were two main Gharanas of Hindusthani music worthy to be considered, during and after the reign of Allauddin Khilji, the Pathan Emperor of Delhi. These were : — (1) The kalawanta Gharana, founded by Baiju Bawra and propagated by Nayak Gopal which included the singers of the Dhrubapada style of music and the instrumentalists who played on Saraswat veena in accompaniment to the vocal Raga Alap and Dhrubapada songs. (2) The kawal Gharana, founded and propagated by Amir Khusru and later on by Sultan Hussain Sarki of Jaunpur. These Gharanas included the singers of Kawali songs and the instrumentalists who played on Sitar in accompaniment to the Kawali songs and Taranas. Later on, a third Gharana was formed by the instrumentalists who used to play on Shanai and Tabla. With the increase of the number of female singers and dancing girls in the Court, there arose a fourth Gharana of instrumentalist accompanying them. The Ostads of the third and fourth Gharana were called Mirasis and Dhadis. SWAMI HARIDASJI OF BRINDABAN During the reign of Md. Adil Shali at Delhi, there were more than one hundred musicians in the Court, who were mostly the Kawals, Mirasis and Dhadis. After the fall of the Pathan Empire, Haridas Swami, the great saint of Brindaban was the main personality in the golden age of Hindusthani music, when the system of Rag-Alap and the Dhrubapada style of music founded by Baiju Bawra, attained perfection of expressions, and was held in the highest estimation by the royal courts existing in that period. Under the influence of his inspiration, Raja Man Tomar of Gwalior brought four Nayaks or authorities of Dhrubapada Hindusthani music in his court,who were named – (I) Bhanu, (2) Chharju, (3) Dhundi. (4) Chanchal Sashi. Really, the Gharanas of Hindusthani classical music were formed by Swami Haridasji and these four Nayaks, who were all Kalawantas. During the reign of the Emperor Akbar, Mian Tansen, the disciple of Swami Haridas, was called the greatest of all musicians and was the main centre of a great musical upheaval. All the disciples of other Nayaks became his disciples and his style of Alap and Dhrubapada was regarded and accepted as the best ever known. He enriched the Dhrubapada style with some Persian ornamentations. Mian Tansen was the leader of a group of famous musicians, namely :- (1) Khoda Bux, (2) Masnad Ali, (3) Ramdas, (4) Chand Khan, (5) Suraj Khan, (6) Khande Rao, (7) Suragnan Khan, (8) Jagapat (Mridangi). SAINT HARIDAS’S DISCIPLE – MIAN TANSEN Mian Tansen was the greatest disciple of Swami Haridas and a foster child of Pir Md. Ghaus of Gwalior while others were either his colleagues or disciples of other Nayaks of Gwalior. All these musicians were attached to the Court of Delhi. The other notable disciples of Haridas Swami were (1) Brija Chand. (2) Gopal Lall, (3) Maharaja Samokhan Singh of Ajmir, Singhalgarh, who was the greatest Veena player of that period. From the period of Akbar, notable Gharanas of Northen India were formed by the descendants or disciples of the above-mentioned musicians. But as Mian Tansen was accepted as the greatest of all musicians by Emperor Akbar, his influence on other musicians was paramount. He formed the main Gharanas, that is, the Seni Gharanas of Hinduathani music. After the death of Mian Tansen, three Gharanas representing his traditions were notable. The first Seni Gharana was formed by his youngest son, Bilas Khan ( Tan Tarang ) at Delhi Darbar. This Gharana represented the choicest Dhrubapada style in Goudi Bani. The second Seni Gharana was formed by another son of Tansen named Surat Sen, who used to sing Dhrubapadas in Dagar Bani and whose descendants subsequently settled at Jaipur, The third Seni Gharana was formed by Misri Singh, the celebrated Veena player, who was the son of Maharaja Samokhan Singh and married Saraswati Devi, the daughter of Tansen. His descendants formed the main Gharana of Veena music and used to sing Dhrubapadas in both Dagar and kahandar Bani. Besides these three Seni Gharanas, the other famous Gharanas were formed by Brija Chand and Suradas at Mathura, whose disciples were the Brahmin priests while Chand Khan and Suraj Khan were the founders of Tilmandi Gharana of Dhrubapadas in Punjab. We find the name of the Agra Gharana specializing in Dhamar style formed by Hazi Sujan Khan, Which was famous during the reign of Emperor Shah Jahan. With the decline of classical music, musicians of all the Gharanas underwent severe hardships during the reign of Aurangjib. But Mahammad Shah Rangile, the Badsha, revived the Delhi Darbar in the early eighteenth century with the musicians of all Gharanas assembled at Delhi. GREAT VEENKAR AFTER TANSEN Niamat Khan Veenkar who was a descendant of Misri Singh (son-in-law of Tan Sen) and later on received the title ‘Shah Sadarang’ in the Darbar of Md. Shah is ranked as the second great musician of India after Mian Tansen. He was the high priest of Md. Shah’s Darbar and invented new techniques of the veena music and Dhamar. He also created the classical Kheyal and founded the famous kawal Gharana through his disciples, whom he taught classical Kheyal. The Kawal Gharana thus formed, was regarded as the authoritative line of Kheyal. Other Gharanas like Agra Gharana and Gwalior Gharana of Kheyal, grew up from the main Kawal -Gharana. During the latter part of eighteenth century, progressive disintegration of the great Mughal Empire was followed by the provincial Subadars and the subordinate Rajas becoming virtually independent and the Emperor of Delhi had only the symbolic possession of supreme authority and honour. As the financial position of the Delhi Darbar became precarious, the most famous musicians of Delhi took shelter in other courts. At this stage the Seni musicians who came attached to different courts of India, devoted themselves more and more to the culture of instrumental music. Although they were authorities on the Dhrubapada songs, they were divided into two camps. The descendants of Bilas Khan and Niamat Khan made Banaras their home town, but were attached to the courts of Lucknow and other states. They were called Eastern musicians. The other camp which was formed of the descendants of Surat Sen settled at Jaipur and were called Western musicians. The Eastern musicians of the Seni Gharana used to play on Rabab and Veena beside singing Dhrubapadas while Western Seni musicians specialised in Sitar and Veena and also sang Dhrubapadas. The kawal Gharana was for a period attached to the Delhi Court. THE MAIN GHARANAS During the middle of the eighteenth century, the main Gharanas of Hindusthan, which were founded by the Seni musicians and their disciples took final shape. The main Gharanas were as followes: (1)Seni Gharana of Dhrubapa and Rabab, formed by three great brothers, Jaffar Khan, Payar Khan and Basat Khan of Lucknow and Banaras. (2)Seni Veenkaras, laid by Nirmal Sha of Lucknow. (3)Kawal Gharana laid by Bade Md. Khan Kawal, of Lucknow and Gwalior. (4) Gwalior Gharana of Kheyal formed by the three great Kheyali brothers;- Huddu Khan, Hassu Khan and Nathu Khan. (5) Agra Gharana of Kheyal and Dhamar, formed by the descendants of Hazi Sujan Khan (Dhamar) and who later on became disciples of Shah-Sadarang. (6) Betia Gharana of Dhrubapada formed by the disciples of Haidar Khan seni of Lucknow, who were the kathaks of Banaras, as well as Muslim Ostads of Kalpi. (7) Bishnupur Gharana of Dhrubapada formed by Bahadur khan Seni, through his disciple Ramshankar Bhattacherjee. (8) Tilmandi Gharana of Punjabi Dhrubapada singers. (9) Lahore Gharana by Punjabi kheyalias, disciples of Shah-Sadarang. (I0) Ataruli Gharana of Dhrubapada and Kheyal founded by the Brahmins of Mathura who embraced Islam later on. (11) Dagar Gharana, founded by Bairam Khan, a great scholar and Dhrupad singer, who was a descendant of a priestly line of Mathura. (12) The Seni Gharana of Sitar of Jaipur, founded by the celebrated Amrita Sen. (13) The Sarod Gharana of Saharanpur, disciples of Omrao Khan, a son of Nirmal Sha Seni. (14) Sarod Gharana founded by Niamutulla Khan, a disciple of Basat Khan Seni. (15) The Sitar Gharana of Lucknow founded by Golam Md. Khan, a disciple of Omrao Khan Seni. BIRTH OF RAMPUR GHARANA Now we come to the origin of Rampur Gharana which is the latest and last of the greatest Gharanas of India. After the end of the Sepoy Mutiny, Wazed Ali Shah, the great patron of music settled at Calcutta from Lucknow. He brought with him here great musicians like Sadeque Ali Khan, Kasem Ali Mian of the Tansen Line and Murad Ali Khan and Taj Khan of Kulpi School and some outstanding kheyalias also. Among the other great musicians of the Tansen line, Sadeque Ali Khan, the great Rababi and scholar, settled in Benaras and trained some priestly musicians like Mithailallji and Bajpayeji. Benaras thus became a prominent centre of classical music. But there were two shining luminaries of Hindusthani music were invited with great respect and promise of princely allowances by Nawab Kalwe Ali Khan of Rampur State (U.P.), which was founded by the Pathans of Rohilkhand. These luminaries were named Bahadur Hussain Khan Bahadur Khan of Bishnupur) and Amir Khan. Bahadur Hussain was a nephew of Payar Khan Seni, the celebrated Surasringar player, while Amir Khan was the son of Omrao Khan Seni, the renowned Veenkar. Thus he first used to play on the Surasringar and the second on the Veena. Both, however, were the masters of Dhrubapada singing of the Tansen Line. Bahadur Hussain concentrated more on the instrumental music and had such a charming style of play that people used to say that his fingers were made of diamonds. Not only the lovers of classical music, but even uninitiated laymen were overwhelmed with rapturous joy by the sound of his instrumental displays. He introduced many new Alankaras (embellishments) in the instrumental music and variations of Jhala or Jhankar which are unequalled even up to now by any instrumentalist of India playing Sitar or Sarod. CUCKOO-VOICED SANADA PIYA Amir Khan Veenkar, on the other hand, had a very melodious voice and though originally an instrumentalist his concentration was on vocal music. In the Rampur Darbar, he seldom played on Veena in the presence of Bahadur Hussain Khan who, by the way, was his uncle-in-law. But he used to sing in the Darbar, vocal Alap, Dhrupads and Dhamars. In that period classical Thumri was created by the famous composers Kadar Piya, Sadar Piya, and Sanada Piya, who were attached to the Court of Lucknow during the reign of Wazed Ali Shah. With the departure of Nawab of Lucknow to Calcutta the Lucknow Darbar broke up and Sanada Piya accompanied Bahadur Hussain and Amir Khan to Rampur. Sanada Piya had a voice like that of the “cuckoo” or Kokil and his style of Thumri was very fascinating. But Amir Khan sang Dhamar in such a way that the charms of his voice and styles, overpowered even the best specimens of Thumri. Amir Khan not only used Meend and Alankaras, but also used some Alankaras which sounded like Murki and Firat. RAMPUR GHARANA’S SPECIAL CHARMS The Rampur Gharana of music founded by Bahadur Hussain and Amir Khan, was characterised by some special charms in the use of Alap, Dhrupad, Dhamar and in the instrumental music which were not found anywhere in India. Both of these great musicians gave all their theoretical and practical knowledge to Nawab Haidar Ali Khan, a brother of the then riuling Nawab of Rampur. Haidar Ali was a unique musician in the vocal and instrumental music and had a very valuble collection of musical scripts containing the teachings of the great masters. These collections are still carefully preserved in the court of Rampur. Rampur State, during tho time of Haidar Ali Khan had a galaxy of musicians. All of them became disciples of Bahadur Hussain or Amir Khan. Although they belonged to other Gharanas before they came to Rampur, they changed their old style and were influenced by the styles of their masters and thus became identified with the Rampur Gharana. Bahadur Hussain composed many Taranas, which were demonstrated by the kheyal singers of Rampur State. SOME GREAT MUSICIANS OF TANSEN SCHOOL The following outstanding musicians became initiated in the Tansen tradition by Bahadur Hussain or Amir Khan 1. Md. Hussain (Veena) 2. Nabi Bakash (Veena) 3. Kutubuddaulla (Sitar) 4. Enayet Khan (Kheyal) 5. Ali Hussain (Veena) 6. Bakar Ali Khan (Kheyal) 7. Assad Khan (Surasringar) 8. Fida Hussain Khan (Sarod) 9. Boniat Hussain Khan (sarangi) All these musiciains of different styles of music adopted the Raga system and the ways of execution of Tansen Gharana. So, the Rampur Gharana may be said to be a special formation of the original Tansen Gharana During the early part of this century Nawab Hamid Ali Khan of Rampur emulating the examples of the previous musical Darbars, formed a unique musical association presided over by Sangeet Nayak Wazir Khan, son of Amir Khan (Veenkar). Wazir Khan learnt Veena from his father and Surasringar from Bahadur Hussain in his prime and Nawab Haidar Ali Khan as his guardian, developed his extraordinary musical genius. Wazir Khan also learnt Dhrupad, Dhamar and was both a melodious vocalist and a great instrumentalist. Nawab Chhamman Saheb, the son of Nawab Haidar Ali, was a colleague of Wazir Khan and excelled in Dhrupads and Surasringar display. WAZIR KHAN OF RAMPUR Thus Wazir Khan and Chhamman Saheb were the successors in the line of music of Amir Khan and Bahadur Hussain. Wazir Khan by musical teachings built up the musical career of the following outstanding musicians. 1. Allauddin Khan (Sarod) 2. Hafiz Ali Khan (Sarod) 3. Mehdi Husssain Khan (Dhrupad & Kheyal) 4. Mustaque Hussain Khan (Kheyal) 5. Pramathanath Bandopadhya (Ruddraveen) 6. Jadabendra Mahapatra (Surbahar) 7. Pandit Vatkhandeji (The great Musicologist) It may be noteworthy that Wazir Khan who was in Calcutta in his youth, had special liking for the Bengalees and helped a good deal for the development of classical music in Bengal. Nawab Chhamman Saheb also gave lessons to Pandit Vatkhandeji. Among the Nawab’s other disciples we may cite the names of : 1. Raja Nawab Ali Khan of Lucknow-(Sitar). 2. Girija Sankar Chakrabarty of Bengal-(Dhrupada, Kheyal and Thumri) In conclusion, we should not forget the fact that the Vatkhande College of Music, Lucknow, which is now the Centre of Vatkhande University, got tremendous support from Nawab Hamid Ali Khan of Rampur, and Nawab Chhamman Saheb, who helped this great institution both financially and also with the precious teachings of the Rampur Gharana. For every song and each Tana and each Dhrupad he (Raja) gave a crore of rupees to this musician (Kalavid), namely Tansen, who was the embodiment of the art of music. Though these statements of Badaoni and that of the author of the Virabhanudaya Kavyam seem to be exaggeration, to some extent, yet it is clearly understood that Rewa and even its adjacent places were famous for the culture of classical type of Prabandha-Gitis. VRINDAVANA’S CONTRIBUTION Vrindavana was also a famous seat of culture of Prabandha-Gitis. From the history of Bengal Vaishnavism we come to know that most of the Vaishnava savants were headed by Swarupa-Damodara, Ray Ramananda, Swami Krishnadasa, Swami Haridasa, Krishnadasa Kaviraja, Raghunathdasa Goswami, Thakur Narottamadasa and others were well-versed in the lofty or sublime Prabandha type of Gitis. It is said that Thakur Narottama devised the Padavali-Kirtana on the ideal of the classical Dhruvapada, in slow tempo at Khetari, West Bengal. It might be the fact that Vrindavana drew its inspiration and impetus of the culture of Dhruvapada from Gwalior and its adjacent places, but yet it cannot be denied that Vrindavana and afterwards Mathura, created the schools of their own. And those schools were maintained by a host of Kalavids like Krishnadasa, Haridasa and others. These celebrated exponents of music were all upholders of Dhruvapada. BIJAPUR AS CENTRE OF CULTURE Bijapur was also a seat of culture of classical music, and specially of Dhruvapada. Sultan Ibrahim Adil Shah II of Bijapur was a contemporary to the Emperor Akbar. He devoted the best part of his life to the cause of classical music, in which he took interest from his early age. From Asad Beg’s mission to Bijapur, we learn that Bijapur was so famous for its culture of classical music that Akbar was also attracted to this kingdom. From the editorial comments of the journal, Lalitakala, April 1955 – March 1956 and Joshi’s article on ‘Asad Beg’s Mission,’ in the ‘Potadar Commemoration Volume’, 1950, we come to know that Asad Beg went on his Mission in 1603-1604 A.D. It hals been stated thus: “Speaking about the events of 1603-04, Asad Beg says that he was invited to the royal palace to bid farewell to Ibrahim Adil Shah II of Bijapur on the night of 27th Sh’aban. A grand music party had been arranged for the occasion. Asad Beg found Ibrahim so rapt in listening to music that be could hardly reply to Asad Beg’s question. The conversation for sometime was mainly concerned with music and musicians”. It should be remembered in this context that Dhruvapada the most prominent feature of musical culture of that time i.e. in the sixteenth – seventeenth century A.D. Dr. Nazir Ahmed has written as follows in the Introduction to the book, Kitab-i-Nauras by the said Sultan : “Ibrahim was a master of Dhrupada and his book in the same style became so popular as to attract even the Moghal Emperor Jahangir, and the Emperor claimed the Kitab-i-Nauras to be in form of Dhrupada which §ultan learnt from Baktar. It has been stated that about four thousand skilled musicians thronged on an occasion, and the Sultan wished that skillful musicians should always adorn his court by their presence.” From the fact it is proved that Dhruvapada used to play a prominent part in every musical function not, only in the royal court,but also in the kingdom of Ibrahim Adil Shah II. The Emperors Jahangir and Shajahan were also great patrons of Dhruvapada. The names of Jagananath Kaviraj, Dirang Khan. Gunasamudra Lal Khan, the son-in-law of Bilas Khan are worth-mentioning. in this connection, asnoted exponents and connoisseurs of Dhruvapada Prabandha. In the beginning of the eighteenth century A.D. when Mohammed Shah was on the throne of Delhi, Dhruvapada was also held in high esteem in his court. The name of Mohammed Shah’s court-musician, Niyamat Khan Sadaranga is worth-mentioning. in this connection. Niyamat Khan Sadaranga was a Veenkara as well as a Dhrupadiya. Though he devised a new style of Kheyal in slow tempo, yet he was noted as an exponent of Dhrupada of the pure Seni school. The decadence in the culture and appreciation of Dhruvapada came probably during the British rule in India. It came to a climax, when the last titular Mughal Emperor Shah Alam II ascended the throne of Delhi, and granted by a Firman, the Diwani of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa to the East India Company. VISHNUPUR AS CENTRE Vishnupur (Bankura) and different parts of Bengal were also recognised as the Seats of culture ofDhrubapada. When the noted musicians of the Seni school found no help and support from the Emperor, Shah Alam II they began to seek refuge in the Durbars of other ruling Princes including those of Lucknow, Banaras, Betia and Bishnapur. Before the end of the eighteenth century, Bahadur Khan of the Seni Gharana and Peer Bux, the Pakhowaji, were invited by Raja Raghunath Singh II of Bishnapur and were appointed in his court. And from that time onward the intensive culture of Dhruvapada, started in Bengal. HERITAGE OF PRE-CHRISTIAN ERA It may, therefore, be said that the Prabanda type of Giti undoubtedly originated during the pre-Christian era, and evolved out of the ancient Jatiraga and different Gramaragas as depicted in the Natyasastra, Brihaddeshi, Sangita-Sama.yasara, Sangita Ratnakara, etc., through ages, and attained development, assuming novel modes, new names and phases. It still survives in the form of modern Dhrupada i,e Dhruvapada, though lacking in its prestine glory and traditional ideal. The term “Dhruvapada” connotes sacred or celestial Giti or song; for “Dhruva” means ‘sacred’ or ‘that which Is everlasting and celestial’ and ‘Pada’ means Giti or Gana. Originally its literary composition or Sahitya was graceful, majestic and contemplative by nature. It breathed an air of sublimity and grandeur in laudation of the gods and godesses, and the Father in Heaven, though in Iater days, it lost that lofty ideal to some extent. During the time of Akbar the Great, the four styles or methods of presentation of Dhruvapada centered on the regionol utterances or Vani (Bani), and as a result thereof, differeiit Vanis such as Khandara Vani, Dagar Vani, Naohara Vani and Lahar Vani evolved. They were merely the outward features or “Nibaddha Prabandha Gitis. However, Dhruvapada of Dhrupada require to be maintained and sustained in all their characteristic purity, supreme value and importance, even in these days, so as to preserve the glorious heritage of classical music, and to enrich the priceless treasure of art and culture of India. (Courtesy of Indian Music and Mian Tansen by Pandit Birendra Kishore Roy Choadhury ) *

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February 24, 2014

The Gharana Of Maihar

By RAM Chandrakausika राम च 51

The Gharana Of Maihar

Sarodiya Allauddin Khan Gharana
Rampur Gharana

Just after the uprising in 1857, Wazid Ali Shah, the ex-Nawab of Oudh, moved to Calcutta with all the musicians of his court. Kalve Ali Khan, the Nawab of Rampur, wanted to have a great musical community. He called many of Wazid Ali’s musicians to Rampur, where Bahadur Hussain Khan, a sursringar-player of the Senia Gaharana, and a dhrupadiya, who belonged to Saraswati’s (Tansen’s daughter’s) line and Amir Khan (1814-1873), a beenkar, founded the new darbar. Many other musicians moved to the new darbar, among others the khyaliya Bakar Ali Khan and Enayat Hussein Khan, the beenkar Mohammed Hussain, the sitariya Qutabdaula ( from Lucknow) and the sarangi player Bonizat Hussain Khan ( from Gwalior). Among their disciples was the Nawab itself and his younger brother, Haider Ali Khan, too.

Wazir Khan (1851-1926), the son of Amir Khan, was teaching in Calcutta and Midnapur for a while, before joining the court of Rampur in 1900, where he became the master of the Nawab, Hamid Ali Khan. While he was in Rampur, he started teaching Alauddin Khan for the sake of the Nawab.

Wazir Khan (Rampur)

Allauddin Khan (1866-1976)

Baba (directed by N.D. Keluskar, 1969) – documentary film

(Please click image for film)

Allauddin Khan was born in Shibpur village in Brahmanbaria, in present-day Bangladesh, the son of Sabdar Hossain Khan, also known as Sadhu Khan. Alluddin’s elder brother, Fakir Aftabuddin, first taught him some music in the home.

At the age of ten, Allauddin ran away from home to join a jatra band, a traditional Bengali form of theater. This experience exposed him to the rich folk tradition of Bengal. After some time, he went to Kolkata, and was accepted as a student by singer Gopal Krishna Bhattacharya, alias Nulo Gopal. Allauddin committed to a 12-year practice program; However, Nulo Gopal died of plague after the seventh year. Khan then became a disciple of Amritalal Dutt, a close relative of Swami Vivekananda and music director at Kolkata’s Star Theatre, with the goal of becoming an instrumentalist. At this time, he also took lessons in European classical violin from a Mr Lobo, a bandmaster from Goa.

Alauddin Khan got interested in sarod after a concert at Jagat Kishore Acharya’s, zamindar of Muktagachha, where he listened to Ahmed Ali Khan, a student of Asghar Ali Khan (Amjad Ali Khan’s grand-uncle). Alauddin became his student, and studied the sarod under him for five years. His next step was to go to Rampur for lessons from the beenkar Wazir Khan, court musician of the Nawab there, and one of the last direct descendants of the legendary Tansen. Through him, Alauddin was given access to the Senia Gharana (Tansen school of music), arguably north India’s most coveted body of musical knowledge. He later became the court musician of Brijnath Singh Maharaja of Maihar Estate in Central Province.

During his time as a court musician, Allauddin Khan completely reshaped the Maihar Gharana of Indian classical music. The Maihar Gharana was established in the 19th Century, but Khan’s contribution was so fundamental that he is often thought to be its creator. This was a period of rapid change for Hindustani instrumental music, thanks not least to Allauddin Khan, who infused the beenbaj and dhrupad ang, previously known from the been, surbahar (bass sitar) and sur-sringar (bass sarod), into the playing of many classical instruments.

For though he gave concerts on the sarod, Allauddin played many instruments, something that shaped his pedagogy. He put together an orchestra with Indian instruments, the Maihar String Band, and while his son, Ali Akbar Khan, was taught the sarod, his daughter Annapurna Devi learned the surbahar, students such as Ravi Shankar and Nikhil Banerjee played the sitar Rabin Ghosh on violin and Pannalal Ghosh the bansuri. Of course Ravi and Ali Akbar Khan were to be very famous and spread this gharana over the world – something that Allauddin himself had started when, in 1935–1936, he went on an international tour with Uday Shankar’s dance troupe.

Allauddin stayed at Maihar from 1918 to his death. In 1955, he established a Maihar College of Music. He was given the Sangeet Natak Academi Award in 1952, and the Padma Bhushan and Padma Vibhushan – India’s third and second highest civilian decorations – in 1958 and 1971, respectively.

When many people hear the name Allauddin Khan, they think of a grumpy old man (after all, he lived to 110) with a hot temper but a heart of gold – anecdotes about him range from throwing a tabla tuning hammer at the Maharaja himself to taking care of disabled beggars. (Nikhil Banerjee said that the tough image was “deliberately projected in order not to allow any liberty to the disciple. He always had the tension that soft treatment on his part would only spoil them”.)

Allauddin was a very religious man, and though Muslim by name, was strongly devoted to the goddess Saraswati, in the form of Sarada Devi, to whom there stands an old and famous temple atop a hill in Maihar. This is why Allauddin, despite more lucrative offers from other courts, never left Maihar, refusing to move away even for hospital treatment – he would rather die near Sarada Devi than live someplace else.

A few years before the turn of the century, he married Madanmanjari Devi (1888–?). He had one son and sarod heir, Ali Akbar Khan, and three daughters, Sharija, Jehanara and Annapurna Devi. After Sharija got married, and her jealous mother-in-law burnt her tanpura, Allauddin decided not to train his other daughters, but Annapurna proved so talented he changed his mind. She later married and divorced Ravi Shankar.

Allauddin Khan was fond of sankeerna (compound) ragas, and created many ragas of his own, including Arjun, Bhagabati, Bhim, Bhuvaneshvari, Chandika, Dhabalashri, Dhankosh, Dipika, Durgeshvari, Gandhi, Gandhi Bilawal, Haimanti, Hem-Behag, Hemant, Hemant Bhairav, Imni Manjh, Jaunpuri Todi, Kedar Manjh, Komal Bhimpalasi, Komal Marwa, Madanmanjari, Madhabsri, Madhavgiri, Malaya, Manjh Khamaj, Meghbahar, Muhammed, Nat-Khamaj, Prabhakali, Raj Bijoy, Rajeshri, Shobhavati, Subhabati, Sugandha and Surasati. Many of these have not become common Maihar repertoire; Manjh Khamaj is perhaps the best known.

Ustad Allauddin Khan’s son, Ali Akbar Khan and his daughter, Annapurna Devi grew up in Maihar. Ravi Shankar, who started to learn from Gokul Nag (Vishnupur Gharana, Calcutta), Sharan Rani, Pannalal Ghosh, Timir Baran and Nikhil Banerjee (who joined in 1947 only), they both became the leader musicians of the gharana.

Baba Allauddin Khan with Nikhil Banerjee

The Hindu tradition usually talks about a gharana after the third generation of the same style, but because of the great influence of the musicians of the Maihar Gharana on every level, it came to be called gharana even before the third generation appeared.

Pannalal Ghosh (1911-1960)

Pannalal Ghosh: Raga Yaman

Pannalal Ghosh was born on July 31, 1911. Born in Barisal, East Bengal now Bangladesh the family first lived in the village of Amarnathganj and later moved to the town of Fatehpur.He was brought up in a family of musicians. His grandfather, Hari Kumar Ghosh, father, Akshaya Kumar Ghosh, and maternal uncle, Bhavaranjan, were proficient musicians. Mother, Sukumari (daughter of Mr. Mazumdar of Dhaka), was a singer. His younger brother Nikhil Ghosh was a distinguished tabla player. Young Pannalal was highly receptive and absorbed good music from various sources. He regarded the “Harmonium Wizard”, Khurshid Ahmad Khan, as his first guru, and was fortunate also to have had the blessings and systematic training from the legendary Ustad Allauddin Khan, with whom he studied, beginning in 1947.

As the music director of the dance troupe of the princely state of Seraikella, Pannalal Ghosh visited and performed in Europe in 1938, and was one of the first classical musicians to have crossed the boundaries of India.

After joining All India Radio, Delhi, as Conductor of the National Orchestra in 1956, he composed path-breaking orchestral pieces such as Kalinga Vijay and Andolika. His contribution in semi-classical as well as film music also was equally significant, and his name is permanently linked to many famous movies such as Aandolan, Anjan, Basant, Basant-Bahar, Duhai, Munna, Mughal-e-Azam, Police and Nandkishor.

On breathing his last on April 20, 1960, Pannalal Ghosh left behind a large number of disciples and admirers. Amongst his noteworthy students and followers have been Haripad Choudhari, Aminur Rehman (Bangla Desh), Fakirchand Samanta, Gaur Goswami, Shreeram Joshi, Rashbihari Desai, Mahesh Mastfakir, Devendra Murdeshwar,Keshav Ginde, V.G. Karnad, Nityanand Haldipur, Bhailal Barot, Prabhakar Nachane, Sharad Mohalay, K.D. Desai, Suraj Narayan Purohit, Hari K. Chabria, and Lalitha Rao and Mohan Nadkarni. Because of his humble and helpful nature, Pannalal has always remained a very popular and respected personality among the music connoisseurs, and endeared many senior musicians as well.

Pannalal Ghosh was the first to transform a tiny folk instrument to a novel bamboo flute (32 inches long with 7 holes for fingering) suitable for playing traditional Indian classical music, and also to bring to it the stature of other classical music instruments. Also to his credit are the introduction of the special tenor flute, 6-stringed Taanpura, high-pitched Taanpuri and Surpeti into Hindustani music.

He also mastered the technique with such a great proficiency that he could present with ease the heavy ragas like Todi, Darabari, Miyan Malhar, Puriya, Shri, Puriya Dhanashri, Kedar, etc., retaining intact the entire beauty as well as the grammar. These ragas are now the speciality of the flautists of his Gharana. He also created and popularized several new ragas including Deepawali, Pushpachandrika, Hansanarayani, Chandramauli, Panchavati and Noopurdwani.

Nikhil Banerjee (1931-1986)

Nikhil Banerjee was born in Calcutta into a Brahmin family, where music as a profession was discouraged, although his father, Jitendranath Banerjee, who was a Sitarist by his hobby, taught him on the instrument. Young Nikhil grew into a child prodigy, won an All-Bengal Sitar Competition at the age of 9 and soon was playing for All India Radio. At the time, his sister was a student of khyal great Amir Khan, who became a life-long influence. Jitendranath approached Mushtaq Ali Khan to take the boy as a disciple, but was turned down; instead Birendra Kishore Roy Chowdhury, the Zamindar of Gouripur in present-day Bangladesh, was responsible for much of Nikhil’s early training.

In 1947 Banerjee met Allauddin Khan, who was to become his main guru. Allauddin played the sarod but taught artists who played all kinds of instruments; Banerjee went to his concerts and followed him around, and in the end even went so far as to threaten to kill himself if he was not accepted as a disciple. Allauddin did not want to take on more students, but changed his mind after listening to one of Banerjee’s radio broadcasts.

The discipline under Allauddin Khan was legendary. For years, Nikhil’s practice would start at four in the morning, and with few breaks continue to eleven o’clock – at night – a schedule which was naturally hard on his fingers. Obviously, what Allauddin was passing on to most of his students was not playing technique but the musical knowledge and approach of the Maihar Gharana; yet there was a definite trend in his teaching to infuse the sitar and sarod with the been-baj aesthetic of the rudra veena, surbahar and sursringar – long, elaborate alap (unaccompanied improvisation) built on intricate meend work (bending of the note). Under his teaching, Shankar and Banerjee developed different sitar styles, but to the uninitiated, Banerjee will sound like Ravi Shankar, due to the fact that in Nikhil sporadically also learned from Ravi Shankar whenever he got a chance. They played similar sitars, both with bass strings.

After some five years in Maihar, Banerjee embarked on a concert career that was to take him to all corners of the world and last right up to his death. All through his life he kept taking lessons from Allauddin and his children, Ali Akbar and Annapurna Devi. Perhaps reflecting his early upbringing, he always remained a humble musician, and was content with much less limelight than a player of his stature could have vied for. For him, music-making was a spiritual rather than a worldly path. Even so, in 1968, he was decorated with the Padma Shri and posthumously received also the Padma Bhushan; at the time of his death by heart attack, he was a faculty member at the Ali Akbar College of Music in Calcutta, but had not yet significantly taught any disciples of his own.

He created a raga Manomanjari of his own, mixing ideas from Kalavati and Marwa.

(Please note also:https://saxonianfolkways.wordpress.com/2013/08/30/a-word-from-pandit-nikhil-bannerjee/)

some representatives of the Gharana:

Ali Akbar Khan
Ravi Shankar
Annapurna Devi
Sharan Rani
Aashish Khan
Bahadur Khan
Hariprasad Chaurasia
Krishna Mohan Bhatt
Vishwa Mohan Bhatt

(Please note also:http://www.maiharmusiclineage.com/maihar-senia_gharana-style_of_music.htm)

Leave a comment | tags: cytopicus, ram51, The Gharana Of Maihar | posted in The Gharanas of India

February 20, 2014

In The Half Shadow of The Dove – Lectured rAgams For The Early Evening

By RAM Chandrakausika राम च 51

Ram Narayan ( SARANGI )
Introducing 2 excellent renditions of mystic
early evening rAgas

Accompanied by Chatur Lal on Tabla

Rag Shuddh Todi

***

Rag Marwa

***

A Patio

At evening
they grow weary, the patio’s two or three colours.
Tonight, the moon, bright circle,
fails to dominate space.

Patio, channel of sky.
The patio is the slope
down which sky flows into the house.
Serene,
eternity waits at the crossroad of stars.

It’s pleasant to live in the friendly dark
of entrance-way, arbour, and cistern.

(Jorge Louis Borges)

–

All Recordings 1976

Leave a comment | tags: Chatur Lal Tabla, cytopicus, Rag Marwa, Rag Shudhh Todi, Rag Todi, Ram Narayan, ram51, saxonianfolkways | posted in The Music Of Hindoostan

February 2, 2014

The Ragas Of Carnatic Music

By RAM Chandrakausika राम च 51

Carnatic_Ragas ***

(Click Image above to read on)

***

Leave a comment | tags: Carnatic Ragas, cytopicus, N. S. Ramchandran, rAgam, Ragas of South India, ram51, Shruti, The Ragas Of Carnatic Music | posted in Carnatic Music, LIBRARY, Oriental Studies on Alpha-numeric Representations of Music

February 1, 2014

Der Magnetiseur

By RAM Chandrakausika राम च 51

E.T.A. Hoffmann

Der Magnetiseur

Eine Familienbegebenheit (Erstdruck 1814)

Träume sind Schäume

„Träume sind Schäume“, sagte der alte Baron, indem er die Hand nach der Klingelschnur ausstreckte, um den alten Kaspar herbeizurufen, der ihm ins Zimmer leuchten sollte; denn es war spät geworden, ein kalter Herbstwind strich durch den übel verwahrten Sommersaal, und Maria, in ihren Shawl fest eingewickelt, schien mit halbgeschlossenen Augen sich des Einschlummerns nicht mehr erwehren zu können. – „Und doch“, fuhr er fort, die Hand wieder zurückziehend, und aus dem Lehnstuhl vorgebeugt beide Arme auf die Kniee stützend – „und doch erinnere ich mich manches merkwürdigen Traumes aus meiner Jugendzeit!“ – „Ach, bester Vater“, fiel Ottmar ein, „welcher Traum ist denn nicht merkwürdig, aber nur die, welche irgend eine auffallende Erscheinung verkündigen – mit Schillers Worten: die Geister, die den großen Geschicken voranschreiten – die uns gleich mit Gewalt in das dunkle geheimnisvolle Reich stoßen, dem sich unser befangener Blick nur mit Mühe erschließt, nur die ergreifen uns mit einer Macht, deren Einwirkung wir nicht ableugnen können.“

„Träume sind Schäume“, wiederholte der Baron mit dumpfer Stimme, „und selbst in diesem Weidspruch der Materialisten, die das Wunderbarste ganz natürlich, das Natürlichste aber oft abgeschmackt und unglaublich finden“, erwiderte Ottmar, „liegt eine treffende Allegorie.“ – „Was wirst du in dem alten verbrauchten Sprichwort wieder Sinniges finden?“ fragte gähnend Maria. – Lachend erwiderte Ottmar mit Prosperos Worten: „Zieh deiner Augen Fransenvorhang auf, und hör mich freundlich an! – Im Ernst, liebe Maria, wärst du weniger schläfrig, so würdest du selbst schon geahnet haben, daß, da von einer über alle Maßen herrlichen Erscheinung im menschlichen Leben, nämlich vom Traume die Rede ist, ich mir bei der Zusammenstellung mit Schaum auch nur den edelsten denken kann, den es gibt. – Und das ist denn doch offenbar der Schaum des gärenden, zischenden, brausenden Champagners, den du abzunippen auch nicht verschmähst, unerachtet du sonst recht jüngferlich und zünferlich allen Rebensaft schnöde verachtest. Sieh die tausend kleinen Bläschen, die perlend im Glase aufsteigen und oben im Schaume sprudeln, das sind die Geister, die sich ungeduldig von der irdischen Fessel loslösen; und so lebt und webt im Schaum das höhere geistige Prinzip, das frei von dem Drange des Materiellen frisch die Fittige regend, in dem fernen uns allen verheißenen himmlischen Reiche sich zu dem verwandten höheren Geistigen freudig gesellt, und alle wundervollen Erscheinungen in ihrer tiefsten Bedeutung wie das Bekannteste aufnimmt und erkennt. Es mag daher auch der Traum von dem Schaum, in welchem unsere Lebensgeister, wenn der Schlaf unser extensives Leben befängt, froh und frei aufsprudeln, erzeugt werden und ein höheres intensives Leben beginnen, in dem wir alle Erscheinungen der uns fernen Geisterwelt nicht nur ahnen, sondern wirklich erkennen, ja in dem wir über Raum und Zeit schweben.“ – „Mich dünkt“, unterbrach ihn der alte Baron, wie sich von einer Erinnerung, in die er versunken, gewaltsam losreißend, „ich höre deinen Freund Alban sprechen. Ihr kennt mich als euern unzubekehrenden Gegner; so ist das alles, was du soeben gesagt, recht schön anzuhören, und gewisse empfindliche oder empfindelnde Seelen mögen sich daran ergötzen, allein schon der Einseitigkeit wegen unwahr. Nach dem, was du da von der Verbindung mit der Geisterwelt, und was weiß ich, schwärmtest, sollte man glauben, der Traum müsse den Menschen in den glückseligsten Zustand versetzen; aber alle die Träume, welche ich deshalb merkwürdig nenne, weil der Zufall ihnen eine gewisse Einwirkung in mein Leben gab – Zufall nenne ich nämlich ein gewisses Zusammentreffen an und für sich selbst fremdartiger Begebenheiten, die nun sich zu einer Totalerscheinung verbinden – alle diese Träume, sage ich, waren unangenehm, ja qualvoll, daß ich oft darüber erkrankte, wiewohl ich mich alles Nachgrübelns darüber enthielt, da es damals noch nicht Mode war, auf alles, was die Natur weise uns fern gerückt hat, Jagd zu machen.“ – „Sie wissen, bester Vater“, erwiderte Ottmar, „wie ich über das alles, was Sie Zufall, Zusammentreffen der Umstände und sonst nennen, mit meinem Freunde Alban denke. – Und was die Mode des Nachgrübelns betrifft, so mag mein guter Vater daran denken, daß diese Mode, als in der Natur des Menschen begründet, uralt ist. Die Lehrlinge zu Sais“ – „Halt“, fuhr der Baron auf, „vertiefen wir uns weiter nicht in ein Gespräch, das ich heute um so mehr zu meiden Ursache habe, als ich mich gar nicht aufgelegt fühle, es mit deinem überbrausenden Enthusiasmus für das Wunderbare aufzunehmen. Nicht leugnen kann ich, daß mich gerade heute am neunten September eine Erinnerung aus meinen Jugendjahren befängt, die ich nicht los werden kann, und sollte ich euch das Abenteuer erzählen, so würde Ottmar den Beweis darin finden, wie ein Traum, oder ein träumerischer Zustand, der sich auf eine ganz eigene Weise an die Wirklichkeit knüpfte, von dem feindlichsten Einfluß auf mich war.“ – „Vielleicht, bester Vater“, sagte Ottmar, „geben Sie mir und meinem Alban einen herrlichen Beitrag zu den vielfachen Erfahrungen, die die jetzt aufgestellte Theorie des magnetischen Einflusses, die von der Untersuchung des Schlafs und des Träumens ausgeht, bestätigen.“ – „Schon das Wort, magnetisch, macht mich erbeben“, zürnte der Baron; „aber jeder nach seiner Weise, und wohl euch, wenn die Natur es leidet, daß ihr mit täppischen Händen an ihrem Schleier zupft, und eure Neugierde nicht mit euerm Untergange bestraft.“ – „Lassen Sie uns, bester Vater!“ erwiderte Ottmar, „nicht über Dinge streiten, die aus der innersten Überzeugung hervorgehen; aber die Erinnerung aus Ihrer Jugendzeit, darf sich denn die nicht in Worten aussprechen?“ – Der Baron setzte sich tief in den Lehnstuhl zurück, und indem er, wie er zu tun pflegte, wenn sein Innerstes angeregt wurde, den seelenvollen Blick in die Höhe richtete, fing er an:

„Ihr wißt, daß ich meine militärische Bildung auf der Ritterakademie in B. erhielt. Unter den dort angestellten Lehrern befand sich nun ein Mann, der mir ewig unvergeßlich bleiben wird; ja ich kann noch jetzt an ihn nicht denken ohne innern Schauer, ohne Entsetzen, möcht ich sagen. Es ist mir oft, als würde er gespenstisch durch die Tür hineinschreiten. – Seine Riesengröße wurde noch auffallender durch die Hagerkeit seines Körpers, der nur aus Muskeln und Nerven zu bestehen schien; er mochte in jüngern Jahren ein schöner Mann gewesen sein, denn noch jetzt warfen seine großen schwarzen Augen einen brennenden Blick, den man kaum ertragen konnte; ein tiefer Fünfziger hatte er die Kraft und die Gewandtheit eines Jünglings; alle seine Bewegungen waren rasch und entschieden. Im Fechten auf Stoß und Hieb war er dem Geschicktesten überlegen, und das wildeste Pferd drückte er zusammen, daß es unter ihm ächzte. Er war ehemals Major in dänischen Diensten gewesen, und hatte, wie man sagte, deshalb flüchten müssen, weil er seinen General im Duell erstochen. Manche behaupteten, dies sei nicht im Duell geschehen, sondern auf ein beleidigendes Wort vom General habe er, ehe dieser sich zur Wehr setzen konnte, ihm den Degen durch den Leib gerannt. Genug, er war aus Dänemark herübergeflüchtet, und mit dem Majors-Range bei der Ritterakademie zum höhern Unterricht in der Fortifikation angestellt. Im höchsten Grade jähzornig, konnte ihn ein Wort, ein Blick in Wut setzen, er bestrafte die Zöglinge mit ausgedachter Grausamkeit, und doch hing alles an ihm auf eine ganz unbegreifliche Weise. So hatte einmal die gegen alle Regel und Ordnung harte Behandlung eines Zöglings die Aufmerksamkeit der Obern erregt, und es wurde eine Untersuchung verfügt; aber gerade dieser Zögling klagte sich nur selbst an, und sprach so eifrig für den Major, daß er aller Schuld entbunden werden mußte. Bisweilen hatte er Tage, in denen er sich selbst nicht ähnlich war. Der sonst harte polternde Ton seiner tiefen Stimme hatte dann etwas unbeschreiblich Sonores, und von seinem Blick konnte man sich nicht losreißen. Gutmütig und weich übersah er jede kleine Ungeschicklichkeit, und wenn er diesem oder jenem, dem etwas besonders gelungen, die Hand drückte, so war es, als habe er ihn, wie durch eine unwiderstehliche Zauberkraft zu seinem Leibeignen gemacht, denn den augenblicklichen schmerzvollsten Tod hätte er gebieten können, und sein Wort wäre erfüllt worden. Auf solche Tage folgte aber gewöhnlich ein schrecklicher Sturm, vor dem jeder sich verbergen oder flüchten mußte. Dann zog er in aller Frühe seine rote dänische Staatsuniform an und lief mit Riesenschritten, gleichviel, war es Sommer oder Winter, in dem großen Garten, der sich an das Palais der Ritterakademie anschloß, rastlos den ganzen Tag umher. Man hörte ihn mit schrecklicher Stimme und mit den heftigsten Gestikulationen dänisch sprechen – er zog den Degen – er schien es mit einem fürchterlichen Gegner zu tun zu haben – er empfing – er parierte Stöße – endlich war durch einen wohlberechneten Stoß der Gegner gefallen, und unter den gräßlichsten Flüchen und Verwünschungen schien er den Leichnam mit den Füßen zu zermalmen. Nun flüchtete er mit unglaublicher Schnelle durch die Alleen, er erkletterte die höchsten Bäume und lachte dann höhnisch herab, daß uns, die wir es bis in das Zimmer hören konnten, das Blut in den Adern erstarrte. Gewöhnlich tobte er auf diese Art vierundzwanzig Stunden, und man bemerkte, daß er in der Tag- und Nachtgleiche jedesmal von diesem Paroxismus befallen wurde. Den Tag darauf schien er von allem, was er unternommen, auch nicht das mindeste zu ahnen, nur war er störrischer, jähzorniger, härter als je, bis er wieder in jene gutmütige Stimmung geriet. Ich weiß nicht woher die wunderlichen, abenteuerlichen Gerüchte kamen, die von ihm unter den Dienstboten der Akademie und sogar in der Stadt unter dem gemeinen Volke verbreitet wurden. So hieß es von ihm, er könne das Feuer besprechen, und Krankheiten durch das Auflegen der Hände, ja durch den bloßen Blick heilen, und ich erinnere mich, daß er einmal Leute, die durchaus von ihm auf diese Art geheilt sein wollten, mit Stockschlägen verjagte. Ein alter Invalide, der zu meiner Aufwartung bestimmt war, äußerte ganz unverhohlen, daß man wohl wisse, wie es mit dem Herrn Major nicht natürlich zugehe, und daß vor vielen Jahren einmal im Sturm auf der See der böse Feind zu ihm getreten, und ihm Rettung aus der Todesnot, sowie übermenschliche Kraft, allerlei Wunderbares zu wirken, verheißen, welches er denn angenommen und sich dem Bösen ergeben habe; nun habe er oft harte Kämpfe mit dem Bösen zu bestehen, den man bald als schwarzer Hund, bald als ein anderes häßliches Tier im Garten umherlaufen sehe, aber über kurz oder lang werde der Major doch gewiß auf eine schreckliche Weise unterliegen müssen. So albern und abgeschmackt mir diese Erzählungen vorkamen, so konnte ich mich doch eines gewissen innern Schauers nicht erwehren, und unerachtet ich die ganz besondere Zuneigung, die der Major mir allein vor allen andern bewies, mit getreuer Anhänglichkeit erwiderte, so mischte sich doch in mein Gefühl für den sonderbaren Mann ein unbegreifliches Etwas, das mich unaufhörlich verfolgte, und das ich mir selbst nicht erklären konnte. Es war, als würde ich von einem höhern Wesen gezwungen, treu an dem Mann zu halten, als würde der Augenblick des Aufhörens meiner Liebe auch der Augenblick des Unterganges sein. Erfüllte mich nun mein Beisammensein mit ihm auch mit einem gewissen Wohlbehagen, so war es doch wieder eine gewisse Angst, das Gefühl eines unwiderstehlichen Zwanges, das mich auf eine unnatürliche Art spannte, ja das mich innerlich erbeben machte. War ich lange bei ihm gewesen, ja hatte er mich besonders freundlich behandelt und mir, wie er dann zu tun pflegte, mit starr auf mich geheftetem Blick meine Hand in der seinigen festhaltend, allerlei Seltsames erzählt, so konnte mich jene ganz eigne wunderbare Stimmung bis zur höchsten Erschöpfung treiben. Ich fühlte mich krank und matt zum Umsinken. – Ich übergehe alle die sonderbaren Auftritte, die ich mit meinem Freunde und Gebieter hatte, wenn er sogar an meinen kindischen Spielen teilnahm, und fleißig an der unüberwindlichen Festung mit bauen half, die ich in dem Garten nach den strengsten Regeln der Befestigungskunst anlegte – ich komme zur Hauptsache. – Es war, wie ich mich genau erinnere, in der Nacht vom achten auf den neunten September im Jahr 17- als ich lebhaft, als geschähe es wirklich, träumte, der Major öffne leise meine Tür, käme langsam an mein Bett geschritten und lege, mich mit seinen hohlen schwarzen Augen auf furchtbare Weise anstarrend, die rechte Hand auf meine Stirn über die Augen, und doch könne ich ihn vor mir stehen sehn. – Ich ächzte vor Beklemmung und Entsetzen – da sprach er mit dumpfer Stimme: ‚Armes Menschenkind, erkenne deinen Meister und Herrn! – Was krümmst und windest du dich in deiner Knechtschaft, die du vergebens abzuschütteln strebst? – Ich bin dein Gott, der dein Innerstes durchschaut, und alles was du darin jemals verborgen hast oder verbergen willst, liegt hell und klar vor mir. Damit du aber nicht wagst, an meiner Macht über dich, du Erdenwurm, zu zweifeln, will ich auf eine dir selbst sichtbarliche Weise in die geheimste Werkstatt deiner Gedanken eindringen.‘ – Plötzlich sah ich ein spitzes glühendes Instrument in seiner Hand, mit dem er in mein Gehirn fuhr. Über den fürchterlichen Schrei des Entsetzens, den ich ausstieß, erwachte ich in Angstschweiß gebadet – ich war der Ohnmacht nahe. Endlich erholte ich mich, aber eine dumpfe schwüle Luft erfüllte das Zimmer, es war mir, als höre ich die Stimme des Majors, der, wie aus weiter Ferne, mich mehrmals bei dem Vornamen rief. Ich hielt dies für die Nachwirkung des gräßlichen Traums; ich sprang aus dem Bette, ich öffnete die Fenster, um die freie Luft hineinströmen zu lassen in das schwüle Zimmer. Aber welch ein Schreck ergriff mich, als ich in der mondhellen Nacht den Major in seiner Staatsuniform, ganz so wie er mir im Traum erschienen, durch die Hauptallee nach dem Gattertor, das aufs freie Feld führte, schreiten sah; er riß es auf, ging hindurch, warf die Flügel hinter sich zu, daß Riegel und Angel klirrend und rasselnd zusammensprangen und das Getöse weit in der stillen Nacht widerhallte. – Was war das, was will der Major in der Nacht draußen im Felde? dachte ich, und es überfiel mich eine unbeschreibliche Angst und Unruhe. Wie von unwiderstehlicher Gewalt getrieben, zog ich mich schnell an, weckte den guten Inspektor, einen frommen Greis von siebzig Jahren, den einzigen, den der Major selbst in seinem ärgsten Paroxismus scheute und schonte, und erzählte ihm meinen Traum sowie den Vorgang nachher. Der Alte wurde sehr aufmerksam und sagte: ‚Auch ich habe das Gattertor stark zuwerfen gehört, es aber für Täuschung gehalten‘; auf jeden Fall möge wohl etwas Besonderes mit dem Major vorgegangen und deshalb es gut sein, in seinem Zimmer nachzusehen. Die Hausglocke weckte Zöglinge und Lehrer, und wir gingen mit Lichtern wie in feierlicher Prozession, durch den langen Gang nach den Zimmern des Majors. Die Tür war verschlossen, und vergebliche Versuche, sie mit dem Hauptschlüssel zu öffnen, überzeugten uns, daß von innen der Riegel vorgeschoben war. Auch die Haupttür, durch die der Major hätte gehen müssen, um in den Garten zu kommen, war verschlossen und verriegelt, wie den Abend zuvor. Man erbrach endlich, als alles Rufen ohne Antwort blieb, die Tür des Schlafzimmers und – mit starrem gräßlichen Blick, blutigen Schaum vor dem Munde, lag der Major in seiner roten dänischen Staatsuniform, den Degen mit zusammengekrampfter Hand festhaltend, tot auf der Erde! – Alle Versuche, ihn wieder in das Leben zu bringen, blieben fruchtlos.“ – Der Baron schwieg – Ottmar war im Begriff etwas zu sagen, doch unterließ er es und schien, die Hand an die Stirn gelegt, alles, was er vielleicht über die Erzählung äußern wollte, erst im Innern zu regeln und zu ordnen. Maria unterbrach das Stillschweigen, indem sie rief: „Ach, bester Vater! – welche schauerliche Begebenheit, ich sehe den fürchterlichen Major in seiner dänischen Uniform vor mir stehen, den Blick starr auf mich gerichtet; um meinen Schlaf in dieser Nacht ist es geschehen.“ – Der Maler Franz Bickert, nun schon seit fünfzehn Jahren im Hause des Barons als wahrer Hausfreund, hatte, wie er manchmal pflegte, bisher an dem Gespräch gar keinen Anteil genommen, sondern war mit über den Rücken zusammengeflochtenen Armen, allerlei skurrile Gesichter schneidend und wohl gar bisweilen einen possierlichen Sprung versuchend, auf und ab geschritten. Nun brach er los: „Die Baronesse hat ganz recht – wozu schauerliche Erzählungen, wozu abenteuerliche Begebenheiten gerade vor dem Schlafengehen? Das ist wenigstens ganz gegen meine Theorie vom Schlafen und Träumen, die sich auf die Kleinigkeit von ein paar Millionen Erfahrungen stützt. – Wenn der Herr Baron nur lauter Unglücksträume hatte, so war es bloß, weil er meine Theorie nicht kannte, und also danach nicht verfahren konnte. Wenn Ottmar von magnetischen Einflüssen – Planetenwirkung und was weiß ich, spricht, so mag er nicht unrecht haben, aber meine Theorie schmiedet den Panzer, den kein Mondstrahl durchdringt.“ – „Nun so bin ich denn wirklich auf deine vortreffliche Theorie begierig“, sagte Ottmar. „Laß den Franz nur reden“, fiel der Baron ein, „er wird uns bald von allem, was und wie er will, überzeugen.“ Der Maler setzte sich Marien gegenüber, und indem er mit komischem Anstande und mit einem höchst skurrilen süßlichen Lächeln eine Prise nahm, fing er an:

„Geehrte Versammlung! Träume sind Schäume, das ist ein altes körnichtes, recht ehrlich deutsches Sprichwort, aber Ottmar hat es so fein gewendet, so subtilisiert, daß ich, indem er sprach, in meinem Haupte ordentlich die Bläschen fühlte, die aus dem Irdischen entwickelt aufstiegen, um sich mit dem höheren geistigen Prinzip zu vermählen. Aber ist es denn nicht wieder unser Geist, der den Hefen bereitet, aus dem jene subtileren Teile, die auch nur das Erzeugnis eines und desselben Prinzips sind, emporsteigen ? – Findet unser Geist in sich selbst allein alle Elemente, alles Zubehör, woraus er, um in dem Gleichnis zu bleiben, jenen Hefen bereitet, oder kommt ihm außerhalb ihm Liegendes dabei zu Hülfe ? frage ich ferner, und antworte schnell: Die ganze Natur mit allen ihren Erscheinungen steht ihm nicht sowohl bei, als sie selbst in Raum und Zeit die Werkstatt darbietet, in welcher er, sich ein freier Meister wähnend, nur als Arbeiter für ihre Zwecke schafft und wirkt. Wir stehen mit allen Außendingen, mit der ganzen Natur in solch enger psychischer und physischer Verbindung, daß das Loslösen davon, sollte es möglich sein, auch unsere Existenz vernichten würde. Unser sogenanntes intensives Leben wird von dem extensiven bedingt, es ist nur ein Reflex von diesem, in dem aber die Figuren und Bilder, wie in einem Hohlspiegel aufgefangen, sich oft in veränderten Verhältnissen und daher wunderlich und fremdartig darstellen, unerachtet auch wieder diese Karikaturen im Leben ihre Originale finden. Ich behaupte keck, daß niemals ein Mensch im Innern etwas gedacht oder geträumt hat, wozu sich nicht die Elemente in der Natur finden ließen; aus ihr heraus kann er nun einmal nicht. – Abgesehen von äußern unabwendbaren Eindrücken, die unser Gemüt aufregen und in eine unnatürliche Spannung versetzen, z. B. plötzlicher Schreck – großes Herzeleid u.s.w., so meine ich, daß unser Geist, hält er sich bescheiden in den ihm angewiesenen Schranken, aus den angenehmsten Erscheinungen des Lebens bequem den Hefen bereiten kann, aus dem dann die Bläschen aufsteigen, die nach Ottmars Ausspruch den Schaum des Traums bilden. Ich, meinesteils, dessen gute Laune vorzüglich abends unverwüstlich ist, wie man mir einräumen wird, präpariere förmlich die Träume der Nacht, indem ich mir tausend närrische Dinge durch den Kopf laufen lasse, die mir dann nachts meine Fantasie in den lebendigsten Farben auf eine höchst ergötzliche Weise darstellt; am liebsten sind mir aber meine theatralischen Darstellungen.“ – „Was meinst du damit?“ fragte der Baron. – „Wir sind“, fuhr Bickert fort, „im Traum, wie schon ein geistreicher Schriftsteller bemerkt hat, die herrlichsten Schauspieldichter und Schauspieler, indem wir jeden außer uns liegenden Charakter mit allen seinen individuellsten Zügen richtig auffassen und mit der vollendetsten Wahrheit darstellen. Darauf baue ich denn, und denke so manchmal an die vielfachen komischen Abenteuer auf meinen Reisen, an manche komische Charaktere, mit denen ich lebte, und da gibt mir denn nachts meine Fantasie, indem sie diese Personen mit allen ihren närrischen Zügen und Albernheiten auftreten läßt, das ergötzlichste Schauspiel von der Welt. Es ist, als habe ich mir abends vorher nur den Cannevas, die Skizze des Stücks gegeben, und im Traum würde dann alles mit Feuer und Leben nach des Dichters Willen improvisiert. Ich trage die ganze Sacchische Truppe in mir, die das Gozzische Märchen mit allen aus dem Leben gegriffenen Nuancen so lebendig darstellt, daß das Publikum, welches ich auch wieder selbst repräsentiere, daran als an etwas Wahrhaftiges glaubt. – Wie gesagt, von diesen gleichsam willkürlich erregten Träumen rechne ich jeden ab, den eine besondere durch äußere Zufälle herbeigeführte Gemütsstimmung, oder ein äußerer physischer Eindruck erzeugt. So werden alle diejenigen Träume, welche beinahe jeden bisweilen quälen, als da sind: vom Turm fallen, enthauptet werden u.s.w. von irgend einem physischen Schmerz erzeugt, den der Geist, im Schlaf von dem animalischen Leben mehr getrennt und für sich allein arbeitend, nach seiner Weise deutet und ihm die fantastische Ursache gibt, die gerade in die Reihe seiner Vorstellungen paßt. Ich erinnere mich, im Traum in einer lustigen Punschgesellschaft gewesen zu sein; ein mir wohlbekannter Bramarbas von Offizier zog unaufhörlich einen Studenten auf, bis dieser ihm ein Glas ins Gesicht warf; nun entstand eine allgemeine Schlägerei, und ich, der ich Frieden stiften wollte, wurde hart an der Hand verwundet, so, daß der brennende Schmerz mich weckte – und siehe da! – meine Hand blutete wirklich, denn an einer starken in der Bettdecke verborgenen Nadel hatte ich sie aufgerissen.“ – „Ei, Franz!“ rief der Baron, „das war kein angenehmer Traum, den du dir bereitet.“ – „Ach, ach!“ sagte der Maler mit kläglicher Stimme, „wer kann dafür, was uns oft das Schicksal als Strafe auferlegt. Auch ich habe freilich schreckliche, qualvolle, entsetzliche Träume gehabt, die mir Angstschweiß auspreßten, die mich außer mich selbst setzten.“ – „Heraus damit“, rief Ottmar, „und sollte es deine Theorie über den Haufen werfen.“ – „Aber um des Himmels willen“, klagte Maria, „wollt ihr denn meiner gar nicht schonen?“ – „Nein“, rief Franz, „nun keine Schonung mehr! – Auch ich habe das Entsetzliche geträumt, so gut wie einer. – War ich nicht bei der Prinzessin von Amaldasongi zum Tee eingeladen? hatte ich nicht den herrlichsten Tressenrock an mit gestickter Weste? sprach ich nicht das reinste Italienisch – lingua toscana in bocca romana ? – war ich nicht verliebt in die herrliche Frau, wie es einem Künstler wohl ansteht? sagte ich ihr nicht die erhabensten, göttlichsten, poetischsten Dinge, als ein zufällig abwärts gerichteter Blick mich zu meinem Entsetzen wahrnehmen ließ, daß ich mich zwar auf das sorgfältigste hofmäßig eingekleidet, aber das Beinkleid vergessen hatte?“ – Noch ehe jemand über die Unart zürnen konnte, fuhr Bickert in Begeisterung fort: „Gott! was soll ich noch von manchen Höllenqualen meiner Träume sagen! War ich nicht wieder in mein zwanzigstes Jahr zurückgegangen, und wollte auf dem Ball mit den gnädigen Fräuleins sehr tanzen? hatte ich nicht mein letztes Geld daran gewandt, einem alten Rock durch schickliches Umkehren einige Neuheit geben zu lassen, und ein Paar weißseidene Strümpfe zu kaufen? – und als ich endlich glücklich vor der Tür des von tausend Lichtern und schön geputzten Menschen schimmernden Saals angekommen und mein Billet abgegeben, öffnete da nicht ein teuflischer Hund von Portier ein kleines Ofenloch, und sagte zum Erdrosseln höflich: ich möge doch nur gefälligst hineinspazieren, denn da müßte man durch, um in den Saal zu kommen? Aber alles dieses sind Kleinigkeiten gegen den gräßlichen Traum, der mich gestern nacht geängstiget und gefoltert hat. Ach! – ich war ein Bogen Kavalierpapier, ich saß recht in der Mitte als Wasserzeichen, und jemand – es war ja eigentlich ein weltbekannter Satan von Dichter, aber mag’s bei jemand bleiben – dieser Jemand hatte also eine unmenschlich lange, übel-zweispaltig-zahnichtgeschnittene Truthahnsfeder und kratzte auf mir Armen herum, indem er diabolische holperichte Verse niederschrieb. Hat nicht ein anderer anatomischer Satan mich einmal zu seiner Lust, wie eine Gliederpuppe, auseinandergenommen, und nun allerlei teuflische Versuche angestellt? – Z. B. wie es wohl aussehen würde, wenn mir aus dem Nacken ein Fuß wüchse, oder der rechte Arm sich zum linken Bein gesellte?“ – Der Baron und Ottmar unterbrachen den Maler durch ein schallendes Gelächter, die ernste Stimmung war verschwunden, und der Baron fing an: „Sag ich es denn nicht, daß in unserm kleinen Familienzirkel der alte Franz der wahrhafte Maître de Plaisir ist ? – Wie pathetisch fing er nicht seine Diskussion über unser Thema an, und um so herrlicher war die Wirkung des humoristischen Scherzes, den er zuletzt ganz unerwartet losbrannte, und der wie mit einer gewaltsamen Explosion unsern feierlichen Ernst zerstörte; mit einem Ruck waren wir aus der Geisterwelt heraus in das wirkliche, lebendige, frohe Leben.“ – „Glaubt ja nicht“, erwiderte Bickert, „daß ich als euer Pagliasso Spaß gemacht habe, um euch aufzuheitern. Nein! jene abscheuligen Träume haben mich wirklich gequält, und es mag sein, daß ich sie mir unbewußt auch selbst bereitet habe.“ – „Unser Franz“, fiel Ottmar ein, „hat rücksichts seiner Theorie des Entstehens der Träume manche Erfahrung für sich, indessen war sein Vortrag, was den Zusammenhang und die Folgerungen aus hypothetischen Prinzipien betrifft, eben nicht zu rühmen. Überdem gibt es eine höhere Art des Träumens, und nur diese hat der Mensch in dem gewissen beseelenden und beseligenden Schlafe, der ihm vergönnt, die Strahlen des Weltgeistes, dem er sich näher geschwungen, in sich zu ziehen, die ihn mit göttlicher Kraft nähren und stärken.“ – „Gebt acht“, sagte der Baron, „Ottmar wird gleich wieder auf seinem Steckenpferde sitzen, um einen Ritt in das unbekannte Reich zu machen, welches wir Ungläubigen, wie er behauptet, nur von ferne, wie Moses das gelobte Land, erblicken können. Aber wir wollen es ihm schwer machen, uns zu verlassen – es ist eine recht unfreundliche Herbstnacht, wie wäre es, wenn wir noch ein Stündchen zusammenblieben, wenn wir Feuer in den Kamin legen ließen, und Maria uns nach ihrer Art einen köstlichen Punsch bereitete, den wir vorderhand wenigstens als den Geist annehmen könnten, der unsere muntere Laune nährte und stärkte.“ – Bickert schaute wie mit verklärtem Blick zum Himmel hinauf, stark seufzend, und neigte sich dann schnell in demütig bittender Stellung zu Marien herab. Maria, die so lange ziemlich stumm und in sich gekehrt dagesessen, lachte, wie sie selten zu tun pflegte, recht herzlich über des alten Malers possierliche Stellung, und stand dann schnell auf, um alles nach des Barons Wünschen sorglich zu veranstalten. Bickert trippelte geschäftig hin und her, er half Kasparn das Holz herbeitragen, und indem er, auf einem Knie ruhend, in seitwärts gedrehter Stellung die Flamme anblies, rief er Ottmarn unaufhörlich zu, sich doch als sein gelehriger Schüler zu zeigen, und schnell ihn als gute Studie zu zeichnen, mit genauer Beachtung des Feuereffekts und der schönen Reflexe, in denen jetzt sein Gesicht erglühe. Der alte Baron wurde immer heiterer, und ließ sich sogar, welches nur in den gemütlichsten Stunden geschah, sein langes türkisches Rohr, dem ein seltener Bernstein zum Mundstück diente, reichen. – Als nun der feine flüchtige Duft des türkischen Tabaks durch den Saal zog, und Maria auf den Zucker, den sie selbst in Stücke zerschlagen, den Zitronensaft in den silbernen Punschnapf tröpfelte, war es allen, als ginge ihnen ein freundlicher heimatlicher Geist auf, und das innere Wohlbehagen, das er erzeuge, müsse den Genuß des Augenblicks so anregen und beleben, daß alles Vorher und Nachher farblos und unbeachtet bliebe. – „Wie ist es doch so eigen“, fing der Baron an, „daß Marien die Bereitung des Punsches immer so wohl gerät, ich mag ihn kaum anders genießen. Ganz vergebens ist ihr genauester Unterricht über das Verhältnis der Bestandteile, und was weiß ich sonst. – So hatte einmal in meiner Gegenwart ganz nach Mariens Weise unsere launische Katinka den Punsch bereitet, aber ich habe kein Glas herunterbringen können; es ist, als ob Maria noch eine Zauberformel über den Trank spräche, die ihm eine besondere magische Kraft gäbe.“ – „Ist es denn anders?“ rief Bickert, „es ist der Zauber der Zierlichkeit, der Anmut, mit dem Maria alles, was sie tut, belebt; schon das Bereitensehen des Punsches macht ihn herrlich und schmackhaft.“ – „Sehr galant“, fiel Ottmar ein, „aber mit deiner Erlaubnis, liebe Schwester! nicht ganz wahr. Ich stimme darin dem guten Vater bei, daß alles, was du bereitest, was durch deine Hände gegangen, auch mir bei dem Genuß, bei der Berührung ein inneres Wohlbehagen erregt. Den Zauber, der dies bewirkt, suche ich aber in tieferen geistigen Beziehungen, und nicht in deiner Schönheit und Anmut, wie Bickert, der natürlicherweise alles nur darauf bezieht, weil er dir den Hof gemacht hat schon seit deinem achten Jahr.“ – „Was ihr nur noch heute aus mir machen werdet“, rief Maria mit heiterm Ton; „kaum habe ich die nächtlichen Fantasien und Erscheinungen überstanden, so findest du in mir selbst etwas Geheimnisvolles, und wenn ich auch weder an den fürchterlichen Major, noch sonst an irgend einen Doppeltgänger mehr denke, so laufe ich doch Gefahr, mir selbst gespenstisch zu werden und vor meinem eigenen Bilde im Spiegel zu erschrecken.“ – „Das wäre denn doch arg“, sagte der Baron lachend, „wenn ein sechszehnjähriges Mädchen nicht mehr in den Spiegel sehen dürfte, ohne Gefahr ihr eigenes Bild für eine gespenstische Erscheinung zu halten. Aber wie kommt es, daß wir heute von dem fantastischen Zeuge nicht loskommen können?“ – „Und daß“, erwiderte Ottmar, „Sie selbst, guter Vater, mir unwillkürlich jeden Augenblick Gelegenheit geben, mich über alle jene Dinge auszusprechen, die Sie als unnütze, ja sündliche Geheimniskrämerei geradehin verwerfen, und deshalb meinen guten Alban – gestehen Sie es nur – nicht recht leiden mögen. Den Forschungstrieb, den Drang zum Wissen, den die Natur selbst in uns legte, kann sie nicht strafen, und es scheint vielmehr, als ob, je nachdem er in uns tätig wirkt, wir desto fähiger würden, auf einer Stufenleiter, die sie uns selbst hingestellt hat, zum Höheren emporzuklimmen.“ – „Und wenn wir uns recht hoch glauben“, fiel Bickert ein, „schändlich hinunterzupurzeln, und an dem Schwindel, der uns ergriff, zu bemerken, daß die subtile Luft in der obern Region für unsere schweren Köpfe nicht taugt.“ – „Ich weiß nicht“, antwortete Ottmar, „was ich aus dir, Franz! seit einiger Zeit, ja ich möchte sagen, seitdem Alban im Hause ist, machen soll. Sonst hingst du mit ganzer Seele, mit dem ganzen Gemüte am Wunderbaren, du sannst über die farbigen Flecken, über die sonderbaren Figuren auf Schmetterlingsflügeln, auf Blumen, auf Steinen nach, du“ – „Halt!“ rief der Baron, „nicht lange dauert’s, so sind wir in unser altes Kapitel geraten. Alles das, was du mit deinem mystischen Alban aus allen Winkeln, ja ich möchte sagen, gleichsam aus einer fantastischen Rumpelkammer zusammensuchst, um daraus ein künstliches Gebäude, dem jedes feste Fundament fehlt, aufzuführen, rechne ich zu den Träumen, die nach meinem Grundsatz Schäume sind und bleiben. Der Schaum, den das Getränk aufwirft, ist unhaltbar, geschmacklos, kurz, ebensowenig das höhere Resultat der innern Arbeit, als die Späne, welche dem Drechsler wegfliegen, die, hat der Zufall ihnen auch eine gewisse Form gegeben, man doch wohl nie für das Höhere halten wird, welches der Künstler bei seiner Arbeit bezweckte. Übrigens ist mir Bickerts Theorie so einleuchtend, daß ich mich ihrer praktisch zu bedienen suchen werde.“ – „Da wir doch nun einmal von den Träumen nicht loskommen“, sagte Ottmar, „so sei es mir erlaubt, eine Begebenheit zu erzählen, die mir neulich Alban mitteilte, und die uns alle in der gemütlichen Stimmung erhalten wird, in der wir uns jetzt befinden.“ – „Nur unter der Bedingung“, erwiderte der Baron, „magst du erzählen: daß du von dem letztern überzeugt bist, und daß Bickert frei seine Anmerkungen dreinwerfen darf.“ – „Sie sprechen mir aus der Seele, lieber Vater!“ sagte Maria, „denn Albans Erzählungen sind gemeinhin, wenn auch nicht schrecklich und schauderhaft, doch auf eine solche seltsame Weise spannend, daß der Eindruck zwar in gewisser Art wohltätig ist, aber man sich doch erschöpft fühlt.“ – „Meine gute Maria wird mit mir zufrieden sein“, erwiderte Ottmar, „und Bickerts Anmerkungen darf ich mir deshalb verbitten, weil er in meiner Erzählung eine Bestätigung seiner Theorie des Träumens zu finden glauben wird. Mein guter Vater soll sich aber überzeugen, wie unrecht er meinem guten Alban und der Kunst tut, welche auszuüben ihm Gott die Macht verliehen.“ – „Ich werde“, sagte Bickert, „jede Anmerkung, die schon auf die Zunge gekommen, mit Punsch herabspülen, aber Gesichter schneiden muß ich frei können, soviel ich will, das lasse ich mir nicht nehmen.“ – „Das sei dir vergönnt“, rief der Baron, und Ottmar fing nun ohne weitere Vorrede zu erzählen an:

„Meinem Alban wurde auf der Universität in J. ein Jüngling bekannt, dessen vorteilhaftes Äußere bei dem ersten Blick jeden einnahm, und der daher überall mit Zutrauen und Wohlwollen empfangen wurde. Das gleiche Studium der Arzneikunde, und der Umstand, daß beide im regen Eifer für ihre Wissenschaft in einem Frühkollegium immer die ersten der sich Versammelnden waren und sich zu einander gesellten, führte bald ein näheres Verhältnis herbei, das endlich, da Theobald (so nannte Alban seinen Freund) mit ganzer Seele, mit dem treuesten Gemüt sich hingab, in die engste Freundschaft überging. Theobald entwickelte immer mehr einen überaus zarten, beinahe weiblich weichlichen Charakter und eine idyllische Schwärmerei, welche in der jetzigen Zeit, die wie ein geharnischter Riese, nicht dessen achtend, was die donnernden Tritte zermalmen, vorüberschreitet, sich so kleinlich, so süßlich ausnahm, daß die mehrsten ihn darob verlachten. Nur Alban, seines Freundes zartes Gemüt schonend, verschmähte es nicht, ihm in seine kleinen fantastischen Blumengärten zu folgen, wiewohl er nicht unterließ, ihn dann auch oft wieder in die rauhen Stürme des wirklichen Lebens zurückzuführen, und so jeden Funken von Kraft und Mut, der vielleicht im Innern glimmte, zur Flamme zu entzünden. Alban glaubte um so mehr dies seinem Freunde schuldig zu sein, als er die Universitätsjahre für die einzige Zeit halten mußte, die dem Manne in jetziger Zeit so nötige Kraft, tapfern Widerstand zu leisten, da wo unvermutet, wie ein Blitz aus heitrer Luft, das Unglück einschlägt, in Theobald zu wecken und zu stärken. Theobalds Lebensplan war nämlich ganz nach seiner einfachen, nur die nächste Umgebung beachtenden Sinnesart zugeschnitten. Nach vollendeten Studien und erlangter Doktorwürde, wollte er in seine Vaterstadt zurückkehren, dort die Tochter seines Vormundes, (er war elternlos), mit der er aufgewachsen, heiraten, und, im Besitz eines beträchtlichen Vermögens, ohne Praxis zu suchen, nur sich selbst und der Wissenschaft leben. Der wieder erweckte tierische Magnetismus sprach seine ganze Seele an, und indem er unter Albans Leitung eifrig alles, was je darüber geschrieben, studierte, und selbst auf Erfahrungen ausging, wandte er sich bald, jedes physische Medium, als der tiefen Idee rein psychisch wirkender Naturkräfte zuwider, verwerfend, zu dem sogenannten Barbareiischen Magnetismus, oder der älteren Schule der Spiritualisten.“ – Sowie Ottmar das Wort: Magnetismus, aussprach, zuckte es auf Bickerts Gesicht, erst leise, dann aber crescendo durch alle Muskeln, so daß zuletzt wie ein Fortissimo solch eine über alle Maßen tolle Fratze dem Baron ins Gesicht guckte, daß dieser im Begriff war, hell aufzulachen, als Bickert aufsprang und anfangen wollte zu dozieren; in dem Augenblick reichte ihm Ottmar ein Glas Punsch, das er in voller Bosheit hineinschluckte, während Ottmar in seiner Erzählung fortfuhr: „Alban war früher, und zwar als noch ganz in der Stille sich nur hie und da die Lehre von dem tierischen Magnetismus fortpflanzte, dem Mesmerismus mit Leib und Seele ergeben, und verteidigte selbst die Herbeiführung der gewaltsamen Krisen, welche Theobald mit Abscheu erfüllten. Indem nun beide Freunde ihre verschiedenen Meinungen in dieser Materie zum Gegenstande mannigfacher Diskussionen machten, kam es, daß Alban, der manche von Theobald gemachte Erfahrung nicht leugnen konnte, und den Theobalds liebliche Schwärmerei von dem rein psychischen Einflusse unwillkürlich hinriß, sich auch mehr zum psychischen Magnetismus hinneigte, und zuletzt der neueren Schule, die wie die Puysegursche beide Arten verbindet, ganz anhing, ohne daß der sonst so leicht fremde Überzeugungen auffassende Theobald auch nur im mindesten von seinem System abwich, sondern beharrlich jedes physische Medium verwarf. Seine ganze Muße – und daher sein Leben wollte er dazu verwenden, soviel als möglich in die geheimnisvollen Tiefen der psychischen Einwirkungen zu dringen, und fortwährend seinen Geist fester und fester darauf fixierend, sich rein erhaltend von allem dem Widerstrebenden, ein würdiger Lehrling der Natur zu werden. In dieser Hinsicht sollte sein kontemplatives Leben eine Art Priestertum sein, und ihn wie in immer höheren Weihen zum Betreten der innersten Gemächer in dem großen Isistempel heiligen. Alban, der von des Jünglings frommem Gemüte alles hoffte, bestärkte ihn in diesem Vorsatz, und als nun endlich Theobald seinen Zweck erreicht und in die Heimat zurückkehrte, war Albans letztes Wort: er solle treu bleiben dem, was er begonnen. – Bald darauf erhielt Alban von seinem Freunde einen Brief, dessen Mangel an Zusammenhang von der Verzweiflung, ja von der innern Zerrüttung zeugte, die ihn ergriffen. Sein ganzes Lebensglück, schrieb er, sei dahin; in den Krieg müsse er, denn dort wäre das Mädchen seiner Seele hingezogen aus stiller Heimat, und nur der Tod könne ihn von dem Elend, in dem er dahinschmachte, erlösen. Alban hatte nicht Ruh, nicht Rast; auf der Stelle reiste er zu seinem Freunde, und es gelang ihm nach mehreren vergeblichen Versuchen, den Unglücklichen wenigstens bis zu einem gewissen Grade zu beruhigen. – Bei dem Durchmarsch fremder Truppen, so erzählte die Mutter der Geliebten Theobalds, wurde ein italienischer Offizier in das Haus einquartiert, der sich bei dem ersten Blick auf das heftigste in das Mädchen verliebte, und der mit dem Feuer, das seiner Nation eigen, sie bestürmend, und dabei mit allem ausgestattet, was der Weiber Herz befängt, in wenigen Tagen ein solches Gefühl in ihr erweckte, daß der arme Theobald ganz vergessen war, und sie nur in dem Italiener lebte und webte. Er mußte fort in den Krieg, und nun verfolgte das Bild des Geliebten, wie er in gräßlichen Kämpfen blute, wie er, zu Boden geworfen, sterbend ihren Namen rufe, unaufhörlich das arme Mädchen, so daß sie in eine wirkliche Verstandesverwirrung geriet, und den unglücklichen Theobald, als er wiederkehrte und die frohe Braut in seine Arme zu schließen hoffte, gar nicht wiedererkannte. Kaum war es Alban gelungen, Theobald wieder ins Leben zurückzuführen, als er ihm das untrügliche Mittel vertraute, das er ersonnen, ihm die Geliebte wiederzugeben, und Theobald fand Albans Rat so aus seiner innersten Überzeugung entnommen, daß er keinen Augenblick an dem glücklichsten Erfolg zweifelte; er gab sich allem gläubig hin, was der Freund als wahr erkannt hatte. – Ich weiß, Bickert!“ (unterbrach sich hier Ottmar) „was du jetzt sagen willst, ich fühle deine Pein, es ergötzt mich die komische Verzweiflung, in der du jetzt das Glas Punsch ergreifst, das dir Maria so freundlich reicht. Aber schweige, ich bitte dich – dein sauersüßes Lächeln ist die schönste Anmerkung, viel besser als jedes Wort, jede Redensart, die du nur ersinnen könntest, um mir allen Effekt zu verderben. Aber was ich euch zu sagen habe, ist so herrlich und so wohltuend, daß du selbst zum gemütvollsten Anteil bekehrt werden wirst. Also merk auf, und Sie, bester Vater! werden mir auch eingestehen, daß ich mein Wort im ganzen Umfange erfülle.“ Der Baron ließ es bei einem: hm, hm, bewenden, und Maria schaute Ottmarn mit klarem Blick ins Auge, indem sie gar lieblich das Köpfchen auf die Hand stützte, so daß die blonden Locken in üppiger Fülle über den Arm wallten. – „Waren des Mädchens Tage“, fuhr Ottmar in seiner Erzählung fort, „qualvoll und schrecklich, so waren die Nächte geradezu verderbend. Alle schrecklichen Bilder, die sie tagsüber verfolgten, traten dann mit verstärkter Kraft hervor. Mit herzzerschneidendem Ton rief sie den Namen ihres Geliebten, und in halberstickten Seufzern schien sie bei seinem blutigen Leichnam die Seele auszuatmen. Wenn nun eben nächtlich die schrecklichsten Träume das arme Mädchen ängsteten, führte die Mutter Theobald an ihr Bett. Er setzte sich daneben hin, und den Geist mit der ganzen Kraft des Willens auf sie fixierend, schaute er sie mit festem Blicke an. Nachdem er dies einige Mal wiederholt, schien der Eindruck ihrer Träume schwächer zu werden, denn der Ton, mit dem sie sonst den Namen des Offiziers gewaltsam hervorschrie, hatte nicht mehr das die ganze Seele Durchdringende, und tiefe Seufzer machten der gepreßten Brust Luft. – Nun legte Theobald auf ihre Hand die seinige, und nannte leise, ganz leise seinen Namen. Bald zeigte sich die Wirkung. Sie nannte nun den Namen des Offiziers abgebrochen, es war, als müßte sie sich auf jede Silbe, auf jeden Buchstaben besinnen, als dränge sich etwas Fremdes in die Reihe ihrer Vorstellungen. – Bald darauf sprach sie gar nicht mehr, nur eine Bewegung der Lippen zeigte, daß sie sprechen wollte, und wie durch irgend eine äußere Einwirkung daran verhindert würde. Dies hatte wieder einige Nächte hindurch gedauert; nun fing Theobald an, ihre Hand in der seinigen festhaltend und mit leiser Stimme in abgebrochenen Sätzen zu sprechen. Es war die frühe Kinderzeit, in die er sich zurückversetzte. Bald sprang er mit Augusten (erst jetzt fällt mir wieder der Name des Mädchens ein) in des Onkels großem Garten umher, und pflückte von den höchsten Bäumen die schönsten Kirschen für sie, denn immer das Beste wußte er den Blicken der anderen Kinder zu entziehen und es ihr zuzustecken. Bald hatte er den Onkel mit Bitten so lange gequält, bis er ihm das schöne teure Bilderbuch mit den Trachten fremder Nationen hervorgelangt. Nun durchblätterten beide Kinder, auf einem Lehnstuhl zusammen knieend über den Tisch gelehnt, das Buch. Immer war ein Mann und eine Frau in der Gegend ihres Landes abgebildet, und immer waren es Theobald und Auguste. In solchen fremden Gegenden, seltsamlich gekleidet, wollten sie allein sein, und mit den schönen Blumen und Kräutern spielen. – Wie erstaunte die Mutter, als Auguste in einer Nacht zu sprechen begann und ganz in Theobalds Ideen einging. Auch sie war das siebenjährige Mädchen, und nun spielten beide ihre Kinderspiele durch. Auguste führte selbst die charaktervollsten Begebenheiten ihrer Kinderjahre herbei. Sie war immer sehr heftig, und lehnte sich oft gegen ihre ältere Schwester, die übrigens von wirklich bösartiger Natur, sie unverdienterweise quälte, förmlich auf, welches manchen tragikomischen Vorfall veranlaßte. So saßen die drei Kinder einmal an einem Winterabend beisammen, und die ältere Schwester, übellauniger als je, quälte die kleine Auguste mit ihrem Eigensinn, daß diese vor Zorn und Unmut weinte. Theobald zeichnete, wie gewöhnlich, allerlei Figuren, denen er dann eine sinnige Deutung zu geben wußte; um besser zu sehen, wollte er das Licht putzen, löschte es aber unversehens aus; da benutzte Auguste schnell die Gelegenheit, und gab zur Wiedervergeltung des erlittenen Verdrusses der älteren Schwester eine derbe Ohrfeige. Das Mädchen lief weinend und schreiend zum Vater, dem Onkel Theobalds, und klagte, wie Theobald das Licht ausgelöscht und sie dann geschlagen habe. Der Onkel eilte herbei, und als er Theobald seine gehässige Bosheit vorhielt, leugnete dieser, der die Schuldige wohl kannte, die Tat keinesweges. Auguste war zerrissen von innerem Gram, als sie ihren Theobald beschuldigen hörte, er habe, um alles auf sie schieben zu können, erst das Licht ausgelöscht und dann geschlagen; aber je mehr sie weinte, desto mehr tröstete sie der Onkel, daß nun ja doch der Täter entdeckt und alle List des boshaften Theobalds vereitelt sei. Als nun der Onkel zur harten Strafe schritt, da brach ihr das Herz, sie klagte sich an, sie gestand alles, allein in diesem Selbstbekenntnis fand der Onkel nur die überschwengliche Liebe des Mädchens zu dem Knaben, und gerade Theobalds Standhaftigkeit, der sich mit wahrhaftem Heroismus glücklich fühlte, für Augusten zu leiden, gab ihm den Anlaß, ihn als den halsstarrigsten Buben bis aufs Blut zu züchtigen. Augustens Schmerz war grenzenlos, alle ihre Heftigkeit, ihr gebieterisches Wesen war verschwunden, der sanfte Theobald war nun ihr Gebieter, dem sie sich willig schmiegte; mit ihrem Spielzeug, mit ihren schönsten Puppen konnte er schalten und walten, und wenn er sonst, um nur bei ihr bleiben zu dürfen, sich fügen mußte, Blätter und Blumen für ihre kleine Küche zu suchen, so ließ sie es sich jetzt gefallen, ihm durchs Gesträuch auf dem mutigen Steckenhengst zu folgen. Aber so wie das Mädchen jetzt mit ganzer Seele an ihm hing, so war es auch, als habe das für sie erlittene Unrecht Theobalds Zuneigung zur glühendsten Liebe entzündet. Der Onkel bemerkte alles, aber nur dann, als er in späteren Jahren zu seinem Erstaunen den wahren Zusammenhang jenes Vorfalls erfuhr, zweifelte er nicht länger an der tiefen Wahrheit der wechselseitigen Liebe, die die Kinder geäußert, und billigte mit ganzer Seele die innigste Verbindung, in die sie für ihr ganzes Leben treten zu wollen erklärten. Eben jener tragikomische Vorfall sollte auch jetzt das Paar aufs neue vereinigen. – Auguste fing seine Darstellung von dem Moment an, als der Onkel zürnend hineinfuhr, und Theobald unterließ nicht, richtig in seine Rolle einzugreifen. Bis jetzt war Auguste am Tage still und in sich gekehrt gewesen, aber an dem Morgen nach jener Nacht äußerte sie ganz unerwartet der Mutter, wie sie seit einiger Zeit lebhaft von Theobald träume, und warum er denn nicht käme, ja nicht einmal schriebe. Immer mehr stieg diese Sehnsucht, und nun zögerte Theobald nicht länger, als käme er erst jetzt von der Reise, vor Augusten zu erscheinen; sorgfältig hatte er nämlich seit dem schrecklichen Augenblick, als Auguste ihn nicht wiedererkannte, vermieden, sich vor ihr sehen zu lassen. Auguste empfing ihn mit der höchsten Aufwallung der innigsten Liebe. Bald nachher gestand sie unter vielen Tränen, wie sie sich gegen ihn vergangen; wie es einem Fremden auf eine seltsame Weise gelungen, sie von ihm abwendig zu machen, so daß sie, wie von einer fremden Gewalt befangen, ganz aus ihrem eigenen Wesen herausgetreten sei, aber Theobalds wohltätige Erscheinung in lebhaften Träumen, habe die feindlichen Geister, die sie bestrickt, verjagt; ja, sie müsse gestehen, daß sie jetzt nicht einmal des Fremden äußere Gestalt sich ins Gedächtnis zurückrufen könne, und nur Theobald lebe in ihrem Innern. Alban und Theobald, beide waren überzeugt, daß Augusten der wirkliche Wahnsinn, von dem sie ergriffen worden, gänzlich verlassen hatte, und kein Hindernis stand der Vereinigung des –“

So wollte Ottmar seine Erzählung endigen, als Maria mit einem dumpfen Schrei ohnmächtig vom Stuhle in die Arme des schnell herbeigesprungenen Bickert sank. Der Baron fuhr entsetzt auf, Ottmar eilte Bickerten zu Hülfe, und beide brachten Marien auf das Sofa. Sie lag totenbleich da, jede Spur des Lebens war auf dem krampfhaft verzogenen Gesichte verschwunden. – „Sie ist tot, sie ist tot!“ schrie der Baron. – „Nein“, rief Ottmar, „sie soll leben, sie muß leben. Alban wird helfen.“ –„Alban! Alban! kann der Tote erwecken“, schrie Bickert auf; in dem Augenblick öffnete sich die Tür, und Alban trat herein. Mit dem ihm eignen imponierenden Wesen trat er schweigend vor die Ohnmächtige. Der Baron sah ihm mit zornglühendem Gesichte ins Auge – keiner vermochte zu sprechen. Alban schien nur Marien zu gewahren; er heftete seinen Blick auf sie; „Maria, was ist Ihnen?“ sprach er mit feierlichem Ton, und es zuckte durch ihre Nerven. Jetzt faßte er ihre Hand. Ohne sich von ihr wegzuwenden, sagte er: „Warum dieses Erschrecken, meine Herren? der Puls geht leise, aber gleich – ich finde das Zimmer voll Dampf, man öffne ein Fenster, gleich wird sich Maria von dem unbedeutenden ganz gefahrlosen Nervenzufall erholen.“ Bickert tat es, da schlug Maria die Augen auf; ihr Blick fiel auf Alban. „Verlaß mich, entsetzlicher Mensch, ohne Qual will ich sterben“, lispelte sie kaum hörbar, und indem sie, sich von Alban abwendend, das Gesicht in die Sofakissen verbarg, sank sie in einen tiefen Schlaf, wie man an den schweren Atemzügen bemerken konnte. Ein seltsames, furchtbares Lächeln durchflog Albans Gesicht; der Baron fuhr auf, er schien etwas mit Heftigkeit sagen zu wollen. Alban faßte ihn scharf ins Auge, und mit einem Tone, in dem, des Ernstes unerachtet, eine gewisse höhnende Ironie lag, sprach er: „Ruhig, Herr Baron! die Kleine ist etwas ungeduldig, aber erwacht sie aus ihrem wohltätigen Schlafe, welches genau morgens um sechs Uhr geschehen wird, so gebe man ihr zwölf von diesen Tropfen, und alles ist vergessen.“ – Er reichte Ottmarn das Fläschchen, das er aus der Tasche gezogen, und verließ langsamen Schrittes den Saal.

„Da haben wir den Wunder-Doktor!“ rief Bickert, als man die schlafende Marie in ihr Zimmer gebracht, und Ottmar den Saal verlassen hatte. – „Der tiefsinnige Blick des Geistersehers – das feierliche Wesen – das prophetische Voraussagen – das Fläschchen mit dem Wunderelixier. – Ich habe nur gepaßt, ob er nicht, wie Schwedenborg, vor unsern Augen in der Luft verdampfen, oder wenigstens, wie Beireis, mit dem urplötzlich aus Schwarz in Rot umgefärbten Frack zum Saal hinausschreiten würde.“ – „Bickert!“ antwortete der Baron, der starr und stumm in den Lehnstuhl gedrückt, Marien wegbringen gesehen: „Bickert! was ist aus unserm frohen Abend geworden! – aber gefühlt im Innern habe ich es, daß mich noch heute etwas Unglückliches treffen, ja daß ich noch Alban aus besonderm Anlaß sehen würde. – Und gerade in dem Augenblicke als ihn Ottmar zitierte, erschien er wie der waltende Schutzgeist. Sage mir, Bickert! – kam er nicht durch jene Tür?“ – „Allerdings“, erwiderte Bickert, „und erst jetzt fällt es mir ein, daß er wie ein zweiter Cagliostro uns ein Kunststückchen gemacht hat, das uns in der Angst und Not ganz entgangen; die einzige Tür des Vorzimmers da drüben habe ich ja von innen verschlossen, und hier ist der Schlüssel – einmal habe ich mich aber doch geirrt und sie offen gelassen.“ – Bickert untersuchte die Tür, und zurückkehrend rief er mit Lachen: „Der Cagliostro ist fertig, die Tür ist richtig fest verschlossen wie vorher.“ – „Hm“, sagte der Baron, „der Wunder-Doktor fängt an in einen gemeinen Taschenspieler überzugehen.“ – „Es tut mir leid“, erwiderte Bickert, „Alban hat den allgemeinen Ruf eines geschickten Arztes, und wahr ist es, daß, als unsere Marie, die sonst so gesund gewesen, an den heillosen Nervenübeln erkrankte, und alle Mittel scheiterten, sie durch Albans magnetische Kur in wenigen Wochen geheilt wurde. – Schwer entschlossest du dich dazu, nur auf vieles Zureden Ottmars, und weil du die herrliche Blume, die sonst ihr Haupt keck und frei zur Sonne emporrichtete, immer mehr hinwelken sahst.“ – „Glaubst du, daß ich wohl getan habe, Ottmarn nachzugeben?“ fragte der Baron. „In jener Zeit allerdings“, erwiderte Bickert, „aber Albans verlängerte Gegenwart ist mir gerade nicht angenehm; und was den Magnetismus betrifft“ – „Den verwirfst du ganz und gar“, fiel der Baron ein. „Mit nichten“, antwortete Bickert. „Nicht Zeuge mancher dadurch herbeigeführter Erscheinung hätte ich sein dürfen, um daran zu glauben – ja ich fühle es nur zu sehr, wie alle die wunderbaren Beziehungen und Verknüpfungen des organischen Lebens der ganzen Natur in ihm liegen. All unser Wissen darüber ist und bleibt aber Stückwerk, und sollte der Mensch den völligen Besitz dieses tiefen Naturgeheimnisses erlangen, so käme es mir vor, als habe die Mutter unversehens ein schneidendes Werkzeug verloren, womit sie manches Herrliche zur Lust und Freude ihrer Kinder geformt; die Kinder fänden es, verwundeten sich aber selbst damit, im blinden Eifer, es der Mutter im Formen und Bilden nachmachen zu wollen.“ – „Meine innerste Meinung hast du richtig ausgesprochen“, sagte der Baron, „was aber besonders den Alban betrifft, so liegt es dunkel in meiner Seele, wie ich mir all die besonderen Gefühle, die mich in seiner Nähe befangen, zusammenreimen und erklären soll; zuweilen glaube ich über ihn ganz im klaren zu sein. – Seine tiefe Wissenschaft machte ihn zum Schwärmer, aber sein Eifer, sein Glück erwirbt ihm Achtung! Allein, nur wenn ich ihn nicht sehe, erscheint er mir so; nahet er sich mir, so ist jenes Bild aus der Perspektive gerückt, und deformierte Züge, die mit einer furchtbaren Charakteristik im einzelnen sich doch nicht zum Ganzen fügen wollen, erfüllen mich mit Grauen. Als Ottmar ihn vor mehreren Monaten als seinen innigsten Freund zu uns brachte, war es mir, als habe ich ihn irgend einmal schon gesehen; seine Feinheit, sein gewandtes Betragen gefielen mir, aber im ganzen war mir seine Gegenwart nicht wohltuend. Bald darauf, und zwar, wie es mir schon oft schwer aufs Herz gefallen, gleich nach Albans Erscheinung erkrankte, wie du weißt, Maria auf eine ganz seltsame Weise, und ich muß es gestehen, Alban, als er endlich herbeigerufen wurde, unterzog sich der Kur mit einem beispiellosen Eifer, mit einer Ergebenheit, mit einer Liebe und Treue, die ihm bei dem glücklichsten Erfolg die höchste, unzweideutigste Liebe und Achtung erwerben mußte. Ich hätte ihn mit Gold überschütten mögen, aber jedes Wort des Dankes wurde mir schwer; ja, in eben dem Grade, als die magnetische Kur anschlug, erfüllte sie mich mit Abscheu und Alban wurde mir mit jedem Tage verhaßter. Zuweilen war es mir, als könne er mich aus der dringendsten Lebensgefahr retten, ohne auch nur im mindesten für sich bei mir zu gewinnen. Sein feierliches Wesen, seine mystischen Reden, seine Charlatanerien, wie er z.B. die Ulmen, die Linden und was weiß ich noch was für Bäume magnetisiert, wenn er, mit ausgestreckten Armen nach Norden gerichtet, von dem Weltgeist neue Kraft in sich zieht; alles spannt mich auf eine gewisse Weise, trotz der herzlichen Verachtung, die ich dagegen spüre. Aber, Bickert! merk wohl auf! – Die sonderbarste Erscheinung dünkt mir, daß, seitdem Alban hier ist, ich öfter als je an meinen dänischen Major, von dem ich vorhin erzählt habe, denken muß. – Jetzt, eben jetzt, als er so höhnisch, so wahrhaft diabolisch lächelte, und mich mit seinen großen pechschwarzen Augen anstarrte, da stand der Major ganz vor mir – die Ähnlichkeit ist auffallend.“ – „Und“, fiel Bickert ein, „so ist mit einem Mal deine seltsame Empfindung, deine Idiosynkrasie erklärt. Nicht Alban, nein, der dänische Major ist es, der dich ängstigt und quält; der wohltuende Arzt trägt die Schuld seiner Habichtsnase und seiner schwarzen feurigen Augen; beruhige dich ganz und schlage dir alles Böse aus dem Sinn. – Alban mag ein Schwärmer sein, aber er will gewiß das Gute und vollbringt es, und so lasse man ihm seine Charlatanerien als ein unschädliches Spielwerk, und achte ihn als den geschickten, tiefschauenden Arzt.“ – Der Baron stand auf und sagte, indem er Bickerts beide Hände faßte: „Franz, das hast du gegen deine innere Überzeugung gesprochen; es soll ein Palliativmittel sein für meine Angst, für meine Unruhe. – Aber – tief liegt es in meiner Seele: Alban ist mein feindlicher Dämon – Franz, ich beschwöre dich! sei achtsam – rate – hilf – stütze, wenn du an meinem morschen Familiengebäude etwas wanken siehst. Du verstehst mich – kein Wort weiter.“

Die Freunde umarmten sich, und Mitternacht war längst vorüber, als jeder gedankenvoll mit unruhigem, aufgeregtem Gemüt in sein Zimmer schlich. Punkt sechs Uhr erwachte Maria, wie es Alban vorausgesagt, man gab ihr zwölf Tropfen aus dem Fläschchen, und zwei Stunden später trat sie heiter und blühend in das Gesellschaftszimmer, wo der Baron, Ottmar und Bickert sie freudig empfingen. Alban hatte sich in sein Zimmer eingeschlossen und sagen lassen, wie ihn eine dringende Korrespondenz den ganzen Tag über darin festhalten werde.
Mariens Brief an Adelgunde

So hast Du Dich endlich aus den Stürmen, aus den Bedrängnissen des bösen Krieges gerettet, und eine sichere Freistatt gefunden? – Nein! ich kann es Dir nicht sagen, geliebte Herzensfreundin, was ich empfand, als ich nach so langer, langer Zeit endlich Deine kleinen niedlichen Schriftzüge wiedererblickte. Vor lauter Ungeduld hätte ich beinahe den festgesiegelten Brief zerrissen. Erst habe ich gelesen und gelesen, und ich wußte doch nicht was darin gestanden, bis ich endlich ruhiger wurde, und nun mit Entzücken erfuhr, daß Dein teurer Bruder, mein geliebter Hypolit, wohl ist, daß ich ihn bald wiedersehen werde. Also keiner meiner Briefe hat dich erreicht? Ach, liebe Adelgunde! Deine Marie ist recht krank gewesen, recht sehr krank, aber nun ist alles wieder besser, wiewohl mein Übel von einer solchen mir selbst unbegreiflichen Art war, daß ich noch jetzt mich ordentlich entsetze, wenn ich daran denke, und Ottmar und der Arzt sagen, diese Empfindung sei eben auch noch Krankheit, die von Grund aus gehoben werden müsse. Verlange nicht, daß ich Dir sagen soll, was mir eigentlich gefehlt hat; ich weiß es selbst nicht; kein Schmerz, kein mit Namen zu sagendes Leiden, und doch alle Ruhe, alle Heiterkeit hin. – Alles kam mir verändert vor. – Laut gesprochene Worte, Fußtritte bohrten wie Stacheln in meinen Kopf. Zuweilen hatte alles um mich herum, leblose Dinge, Stimme und Klang, und neckte und quälte mich mit wundersamen Zungen; seltsame Einbildungen rissen mich heraus aus dem wirklichen Leben. Kannst Du es Dir denken, Adelgundchen, daß die närrischen Kindermärchen vom grünen Vogel, vom Prinzen Pakardin, von Trebisond und was weiß ich sonst, die uns Tante Klara so hübsch zu erzählen wußte, nun auf eine für mich schreckbare Weise ins Leben traten, denn ich selbst unterlag ja den Verwandlungen, die der böse Zauberer über mich verhängte – ja es ist wohl lächerlich zu sagen, wie diese Albernheiten so feindselig auf mich wirkten, daß ich zusehends matter und kraftloser wurde. Indem ich mich oft über ein Unding, über ein Nichts bis zum Tode betrüben, und wieder eben über solch ein Nichts bis zur Ausgelassenheit erfreuen konnte, zehrte sich mein Selbst auf in den gewaltsamen Ausbrüchen einer innern mir unbekannten Kraft. – Gewisse Dinge, die ich sonst gar nicht beachtete, fielen mir jetzt nicht allein auf, sondern konnten mich recht quälen. So hatte ich einen solchen Abscheu gegen Lilien, daß ich jedesmal ohnmächtig wurde, sobald, war es auch in weiter Ferne, eine blühte; denn aus ihren Kelchen sah ich glatte, glänzende, züngelnde Basiliske auf mich zuspringen. Doch was trachte ich, Dir, liebe Adelgunde, auch nur eine Idee von dem Zustande zu geben, den ich nicht Krankheit nennen möchte, wenn er mich nicht immer mehr und mehr ermattet hätte; mit jedem Tage schwächer werdend, sah ich den Tod vor Augen. – Nun muß ich Dir aber etwas Besonderes sagen – nämlich, was mein Genesen betrifft, das habe ich einem herrlichen Mann zu danken, den Ottmar schon früher ins Haus gebracht, und der in der Residenz unter all den großen und geschickten Ärzten der einzige sein soll, der das Geheimnis besitzt, eine solche sonderbare Krankheit, wie die meinige, schnell und sicher zu heilen. – Das Besondere ist aber, daß in meinen Träumen und Erscheinungen immer ein schöner ernster Mann im Spiele war, der, unerachtet seiner Jugend, mir wahrhafte Ehrfurcht einflößte, und der bald auf diese, bald auf jene Weise, aber immer in langen Talaren gekleidet, mit einer diamantnen Krone auf dem Haupte, mir wie der romantische König in der märchenhaften Geisterwelt erschien und allen bösen Zauber löste. Ich mußte ihm lieb und innig verwandt sein, denn er nahm sich meiner besonders an, und ich war ihm dafür mit meinem Leben verpflichtet. Bald kam er mir vor wie der weise Salomo, und dann mußte ich auch wieder auf ganz ungereimte Weise an den Sarastro in der Zauberflöte denken, wie ich ihn in der Residenz gesehen. – Ach, liebe Adelgunde, wie erschrak ich nun, als ich auf den ersten Blick in Alban jenen romantischen König aus meinen Träumen erkannte. – Alban ist nämlich eben der seltene Arzt, den Ottmar schon vor langer Zeit einmal als seinen Herzensfreund aus der Residenz mitbrachte; indessen war er mir damals bei dem kurzen Besuch so gleichgültig geblieben, daß ich mich nachher nicht einmal seines Äußern zu entsinnen wußte. – Alsdann aber, als er wiederkam, zu meiner Heilung berufen, wußte ich mir selbst von der innern Empfindung, die mich durchdrang, nicht Rechenschaft zu geben. – So wie Alban überhaupt in seiner Bildung, in seinem ganzen Betragen, eine gewisse Würde, ich möchte sagen, etwas Gebietendes hat, das ihn über seine Umgebung erhebt, so war es mir gleich, als er seinen ernsten durchdringenden Blick auf mich richtete: ich müßte alles unbedingt tun, was er gebieten würde, und als ob er meine Genesung nur recht lebhaft wollen dürfe, um mich ganz herzustellen. Ottmar sagte: ich solle durch den sogenannten Magnetismus geheilt werden, und Alban werde durch gewisse Mittel mich in einen exaltierten Zustand setzen, in dem ich schlafend, und in diesem Schlaf erwachend, selbst meine Krankheit genau einsehen und die Art meiner Kur bestimmen werde. Du glaubst nicht, liebe Adelgunde, welch ein eignes Gefühl von Angst – Furcht, ja Grausen und Entsetzen mich durchbebte, wenn ich an den bewußtlosen und doch höher lebenden Zustand dachte, und doch war es mir nur zu klar, daß ich mich vergebens dagegen sträuben würde, was Alban beschlossen. – Jene Mittel sind angewendet worden, und ich habe, meiner Scheu, meiner Furcht zum Trotz, nur wohltätige Folgen gespürt. – Meine Farbe, meine Munterkeit ist wiedergekehrt, und statt der entsetzlichen Spannung, in der mir oft das Gleichgültigste zur Qual wurde, befinde ich mich in einem ziemlich ruhigen Zustande. Jene närrischen Traumbilder sind verschwunden, und der Schlaf erquickt mich, indem selbst das tolle Zeug, was mir oft darin vorkommt, statt mich zu quälen, mich belebt und erheitert. – Denke einmal, liebe Adelgunde, ich träume jetzt oft: ich könne mit geschlossenen Augen, als sei mir ein anderer Sinn aufgegangen, Farben erkennen, Metalle unterscheiden, lesen u.s.w. sobald es nur Alban verlange; ja oft gebietet er mir mein Inneres zu durchschauen und ihm alles zu sagen, was ich darin erblicke, und ich tue es mit der größten Bestimmtheit; zuweilen muß ich plötzlich an Alban denken, er steht vor mir, und ich versinke nach und nach in einen träumerischen Zustand, dessen letzter Gedanke, in dem mein Bewußtsein untergeht, mir fremde Ideen bringt, welche mit besonderem, ich möchte sagen, golden glühendem Leben mich durchstrahlen, und ich weiß, daß Alban diese göttlichen Ideen in mir denkt, denn er ist dann selbst in meinem Sein, wie der höhere belebende Funke, und entfernt er sich, was nur geistig geschehen kann, da die körperliche Entfernung gleichgültig ist, so ist alles erstorben. Nur in diesem mit Ihm und in Ihm Sein kann ich wahrhaftig leben, und es müßte, wäre es ihm möglich, sich mir geistig ganz zu entziehn, mein Selbst in toter Öde erstarren; ja, indem ich dieses schreibe, fühle ich nur zu sehr, daß nur Er es ist, der mir den Ausdruck gibt, mein Sein in ihm wenigstens anzudeuten. – Ich weiß nicht, Adelgundchen, ob ich Dir nicht fremdartig oder vielleicht als eine fantastische Schwärmerin erc scheine, ob Du mich überhaupt verstehst, und es war mir, als ob eben jetzt leise und wehmütig der Name: Hypolit, über Deine Lippen gleite. – Glaube mir, daß Hypolit nie inniger von mir geliebt wurde, ich nenne ihn oft im frommen Gebet um sein Heil. – Die heiligen Engel mögen ihn schirmen vor jedem feindlichen Streich, der ihm in wilder Feldschlacht droht. Aber, seitdem Alban mein Herr und Meister ist, dünkt es mich, nur durch ihn könne ich meinen Hypolit stärker und inniger lieben, und als habe ich die Macht, mich wie sein Schutzgeist zu ihm zu schwingen, und ihn mit meinem Gebet, wie mit einem Seraphsfittig, zu umhüllen, so daß der Mord ihn vergebens listig spähend umschleicht. Alban, der hohe, herrliche Mann, führt mich als die durch das höhere Leben geweihte Braut in seine Arme; aber nicht ohne seinen Meister darf das Kind sich in die Stürme der Welt wagen. – Erst seit wenigen Tagen erkenne ich ganz Albans wahrhaftige Größe. – Aber glaubst du wohl, liebe Adelgunde, daß, als ich noch kränker und über alle Maßen reizbar war, sich oft niedrige Zweifel gegen meinen Herrn und Meister in meiner Brust erhoben? – Da hielt ich es denn für gesündigt gegen Liebe und Treue, wenn selbst im Gebet für meinen Hypolit Albans Gestalt in meinem Innern aufstieg, zürnend und drohend, daß ich ohne ihn mich hinauswagen wolle aus dem Kreise, den er mir beschrieben, wie ein böses Kind, das des Vaters Warnung vergessend, hinauslaufe aus dem friedlichen Garten in den Wald, wo feindliche Tiere blutgierig hinter den grünen anmutigen Büschen lauern. Ach, Adelgunde! – diese Zweifel quälten mich schrecklich. Lache mich recht aus, wenn ich Dir sage, daß ich sogar auf den Gedanken geriet: Alban wolle mich künstlich umstricken, und unter dem Schein des heiligen Wunders, irdische Liebe in meinem Innern entzünden. – Ach, Hypolit! – Neulich saßen wir, der Vater, der Bruder, der alte Bickert und ich traulich abends beisammen; Alban war, wie es seine Gewohnheit ist, noch auf weitem Spaziergange begriffen. Es war die Rede von Träumen, und der Vater sowie Bickert wußten davon allerlei Wunderbares und Ergötzliches zu sagen. Da nahm auch Ottmar das Wort, und erzählte, wie nach Albans Rat, und unter seiner Leitung, es einem seiner Freunde gelungen sei, eines Mädchens innige Liebe dadurch zu gewinnen, daß er, ohne ihr Wissen, wenn sie schlief, in ihrer Nähe war, und ihre innersten Gedanken durch magnetische Mittel auf sich leitete. Dazu kam, daß der Vater und auch mein alter treuer Bickert sich, wie sie noch nie in meiner Gegenwart getan, bestimmt und hart gegen den Magnetismus, und auch in gewisser Art gegen Alban erklärten – alle Zweifel gegen den Meister erwachten mit doppelter Stärke in meiner Seele – wie wenn er sich geheimer höllischer Mittel bediente, mich zu seiner Sklavin zu fesseln; wie wenn er dann geböte, ich solle, nur ihn in Sinn und Gedanken tragend, Hypolit lassen? Ein nie gekanntes Gefühl ergriff mich mit tötender Angst; ich sah Alban in seinem Zimmer mit unbekannten Instrumenten und häßlichen Pflanzen und Tieren und Steinen und blinkenden Metallen umgeben, wie er in krampfhafter Bewegung seltsame Kreise mit den Armen und Händen beschrieb. Sein Gesicht, sonst so ruhig und ernst, war zur grausigen Larve verzogen, und aus seinen glutroten Augen schlängelten sich in ekelhafter Schnelle blanke, glatte Basiliske, wie ich sie sonst in den Lilienkelchen zu erblicken wähnte. Da war es, als gleite ein eiskalter Strom über meinen Rücken hin, ich erwachte aus meinem Ohnmacht ähnlichen Zustande; Alban stand vor mir – aber, du heiliger Gott! nicht er war’s, nein! jene entsetzliche Larve, die meine Einbildung geschaffen! – Wie habe ich am andern Morgen mich vor mir selbst geschämt! – Alban war mit meinen Zweifeln gegen ihn bekannt, und nur in seiner gütigen Milde hat er mir wohl verschwiegen, daß er es auch wohl wußte, wie ich ihn selbst mir gebildet, denn er lebt ja in meinem Innern und weiß meine geheimsten Gedanken, die ich in Frömmigkeit und Demut auch nicht trachte ihm zu verschweigen. Übrigens machte er aus meinem krankhaften Anfall nicht viel, sondern schob alles auf den Dunst des türkischen Tabaks, den mein Vater an jenem Abende geraucht. Du hättest nur sehen sollen, mit welchem gütigen Ernst, mit welcher väterlichen Sorglichkeit mich jetzt der herrliche Meister behandelte. Es ist nicht allein der Körper, den er gesund zu erhalten weiß, nein! – es ist der Geist, den er dem höhern Leben zuführt. Könnte meine liebe, treue Adelgunde nur hier sein und sich an dem wahrhaft frommen Leben erlaben, das wir in friedlicher Stille führen. Bickert ist noch der frohe Alte wie immer, nur mein Vater und Ottmar sind zuweilen in sonderbarer Verstimmung; den im treibenden Leben wühlenden Männern mag oft unsere Einförmigkeit nicht zusagen. – Alban spricht ganz herrlich über die Sagen und Mythen der alten Ägypter und Indier, oft versinke ich darüber, zumal unter den großen Buchen im Park, unwillkürlich in einen Schlaf, von dem ich wie neu belebt erwache. Ich komme mir dann beinahe vor, wie die Miranda in Shakespeares Sturm, die von Prospero vergebens ermuntert wird, seine Erzählung zu hören. Recht mit Prosperos Worten sagte neulich Ottmar zu mir: „Gib deiner Müdigkeit nach – du kannst nicht anders.“

Nun, Adelgundchen! hast Du mein inneres Leben ganz, ich habe Dir alles erzählt, und das tut meinem Herzen wohl. Beiliegende Zeilen für Hypolit u.s.w.
Fragment von Albans Brief an Theobald

– – – zurückgeblieben ist. Die Frömmigkeit schließt das Frommtun in sich, und jedes Frommtun ist eine Heuchelei, sei es auch nicht sowohl um andere zu betrügen, als sich selbst an dem Reflex des in unechtem Golde bunkernden Strahlenscheins zu ergötzen, mit dem man sich zum Heiligen gekrönt hat. – Regten sich denn in Deiner eigenen Brust nicht manchmal Gefühle, die Du, mein lieber Bramin! mit dem, was Du aus Gewohnheit, und bequem in dem Geleise bleibend, das die verjährte Ammenmoral eingefurcht hat, als gut und weise erkennen willst, nicht zusammenreimen konntest? Alle diese Zweifel gegen die Tugendlehre der Mutter Gans, alle diese über die künstlichen Ufer des durch Moralsysteme eingedämmten Stroms überbrausenden Neigungen, der unwiderstehliche Drang, den Fittig, den man kräftig befiedert an den Schultern fühlt, frisch zu schütteln und sich dem Höhern zuzuschwingen, sind die Anfechtungen des Satans, vor denen die aszetischen Schulmeister warnen. Wir sollen wie gläubige Kinder die Augen zudrücken, um an dem Glanz und Schimmer des heil. Christs, den uns die Natur überall in den Weg stellt, nicht zu erblinden. – Jede Neigung, die den höheren Gebrauch der inneren Kräfte in Anspruch nimmt, kann nicht verwerflich sein, sondern muß eben aus der menschlichen Natur entsprungen und in ihr begründet, nach der Erfüllung des Zwecks unseres Daseins streben. Kann dieser denn ein anderer sein, als die höchstmöglichste, vollkommenste Ausbildung und Anwendung unserer physischen und psychischen Kräfte? – Ich weiß, daß ohne weiter zu reden, ich Dich, mein lieber Bramin! (so, und nicht anders, muß ich Dich nach deinen Lebensansichten nennen) schon zum Widerspruch gereizt habe, da Dein ganzes Tun und Treiben der innigen Meinung entgegenstrebt, die ich nur angedeutet. – Sei indessen überzeugt, daß ich Dein kontemplatives Leben und Deine Bemühungen, durch immer geschärfteres Anschauen in die Geheimnisse der Natur einzudringen, achte; aber statt Dich an dem Glanz des diamantnen Schlüssels in stiller untätiger Betrachtung zu erfreuen, ergreife ihn keck und kühn, und öffne die geheimnisvolle Pforte, vor der Du sonst stehen bleiben wirst in Ewigkeit. – Du bist zum Kampfe gerüstet, was weilst Du in träger Ruhe? – Alle Existenz ist Kampf und geht aus dem Kampfe hervor. In einem fortsteigenden Klimax wird dem Mächtigern der Sieg zuteil, und mit dem unterjochten Vasallen vermehrt er seine Kraft. – Du weißt, lieber Theobald! wie ich immer diesen Kampf auch im geistigen Leben statuiert, wie ich keck behauptet, daß eben die geheimnisvolle geistige Übermacht dieses oder jenes Schoßkindes der Natur, die Herrschaft, die er sich anmaßen darf, ihm auch Nahrung und Kraft zu immer höherem Schwunge gibt. Die Waffe, mit der wir, denen die Kraft und Übermacht inwohnt, diesen geistigen Kampf gegen das untergeordnete Prinzip kämpfen und uns dasselbe unterjochen, ist uns, ich möchte sagen, sichtbarlich in die Hand gegeben. Wie ist es doch gekommen, daß man jenes Eindringen, jenes gänzliche Inunsziehen und Beherrschen des außer uns liegenden geistigen Prinzips durch uns bekannt gewordene Mittel, Magnetismus genannt hat, da diese Benennung nicht genügt, oder vielmehr, als von einer einzelnen physisch wirkenden Kraft hergenommen, gar nicht das bezeichnet, was wir darunter verstanden wissen wollen. Es mußte gerade ein Arzt sein, der zuerst von meinem Geheimnisse zur Welt sprach, das eine unsichtbare Kirche wie ihren besten Schatz im stillen aufbewahrte, um eine ganz untergeordnete Tendenz als den einzigen Zweck der Wirkung aufzustellen, denn so wurde der Schleier gewebt, den die blöden Augen der Ungeweihten nicht durchdringen. – Ist es denn nicht lächerlich zu glauben, die Natur habe uns den wunderbaren Talisman, der uns zum König der Geister macht, anvertraut, um Zahnweh oder Kopfschmerz, oder was weiß ich sonst, zu heilen? – Nein, es ist die unbedingte Herrschaft über das geistige Prinzip des Lebens, die wir, immer vertrauter werdend mit der gewaltigen Kraft jenes Talismans, erzwingen. Sich unter seinem Zauber schmiegend, muß das unterjochte fremde Geistige nur in uns existieren, und mit seiner Kraft nur uns nähren und stärken! – Der Fokus, in dem sich alles Geistige sammelt, ist Gott! – Je mehr Strahlen sich zur Feuerpyramide sammeln – desto näher ist der Fokus! – Wie breiten sich diese Strahlen aus – sie umfassen das organische Leben der ganzen Natur, und es ist der Schimmer des Geistigen, der uns in Pflanze und Tier unsere durch dieselbe Kraft belebten Genossen erkennen läßt. – Das Streben nach jener Herrschaft ist das Streben nach dem Göttlichen, und das Gefühl der Macht steigert in dem Verhältnis seiner Stärke den Grad der Seligkeit. Der Inbegriff aller Seligkeit ist im Fokus! – Wie klein und erbärmlich erscheint mir alles Geschwätz über jene herrliche Kraft, die den Geweihten verliehen, und es ist wohl zu begreifen, daß nur die höhere Ansicht als der Ausdruck der inneren Weihe auch die höhere Wirksamkeit herbeiführt. – Nach allem diesem wirst Du glauben müssen, daß mir bei der Anwendung alle physischen Mittel fremd geworden, allein es ist dem nicht so. Hier ist es, wo wir noch im Dunkeln tappen, solange uns die geheime Verbindung des Geistigen mit dem Körper nicht klar vor Augen liegt, und ich möchte sagen, die physischen Hülfsmittel sind uns nur wie Zeichen des Herrschers in die Hand gegeben, denen sich unbekannte Vasallen unterwerfen. – Ich weiß selbst nicht, wie ich dazu gekommen bin, Dir, mein Theobald, so viel über einen Gegenstand zu sagen, von dem ich ungern spreche, da ich es fühle, wie nur die aus einer besondern innern geistigen Organisation entsprießende Überzeugung den leeren Worten Gewicht und Nachdruck geben muß. Deinen Vorwurf, einer lebhaft aufwallenden Neigung gefolgt zu sein, und gegen Deine sogenannten moralischen Ansichten gesündigt zu haben, wollte ich beantworten, und jetzt erst werde ich gewahr, daß ich Dir neulich meine Verhältnisse in dem Hause des Barons viel zu rhapsodisch entwickelte, um nicht mißverstanden zu werden. – Ich gebe mir Zeit und Mühe, manches von meinem Eintritt in dies Haus nachzuholen, und wenn mein lieber frommer Bramin in einem höher beschwingten Augenblick mir nur einigermaßen in mein Gebiet folgen will, so werde ich von aller Schuld gereinigt sein.

Ottmar ist nun einmal einer von den vielen Menschen, die, nicht ohne Geist und Verstand, ja selbst mit einer enthusiastischen Lebendigkeit, alles Neue im Gebiet der Wissenschaft auffassen; aber eben dieses Auffassen ist ihr letzter Zweck, und es ist nur die Kenntnis der Form, die sie, der inneren Kraft sich freuend, mit leichter Mühe erringen. Mit dieser Kenntnis ist ihr Geist, dem selbst die Ahnungen des Innern fremd bleiben, zufrieden; dem Gemüt, das man ihnen nicht absprechen kann, fehlt Tiefe. – Ottmar hat sich, wie Du weißt, an mich gedrängt, und, indem er mir wie der Koryphäus einer ganz überzahlreichen Klasse von jungen Leuten, wie sie jetzt so häufig angetroffen werden, erschien, ergötzte es mich, mit ihm höhnend zu spielen. Mein Zimmer hat er mit einer Ehrfurcht betreten, als sei es das innerste heiligste Gemach im Tempel zu Sais, und da er sich als mein Schüler willig unter meine Zuchtrute schmiegte, hielt ich es für billig, ihm manches unschuldige Spielzeug anzuvertrauen, das er triumphierend den Knaben vorwies, und recht groß tat mit der Liebe des Meisters. – Als ich seinen Bitten nachgab und ihn auf seines Vaters Gut begleitete, fand ich in dem Baron, seinem Vater, einen störrischen Alten, umgeben von einem wunderlichen humoristischen alten Maler, der manchmal den weinerlichen moralischen Pagliasso macht. – Was ich Dir über den Eindruck, den Marie auf mich machte, früher gesagt habe, weiß ich nicht mehr; aber ich fühle es in diesem Augenblick, daß es schwer sein wird, mich so darüber auszusprechen, daß ich von Dir ganz verstanden werde. – In Wahrheit, ich muß mich darauf beziehen, daß Du mich kennst ja daß Du von jeher mein ganzes Tun und Treiben in den höheren Tendenzen, die dem Volke ewig verschlossen, begriffen. Du bist daher überzeugt, daß eine schlanke Gestalt, die wie eine herrliche Pflanze, in zartem Wuchs üppige Blätter und Blüten treibend, aufgeschossen; ein blaues Auge, das emporblickend sich nach dem zu sehnen scheint, was die fernen Wolken verschleiern – kurz, daß ein engelschönes Mädchen mich nicht in den süßlich schmachtenden Zustand des lächerlichen Amoroso versetzen kann. – Es war einzig und allein die augenblickliche Erkenntnis der geheimen geistigen Beziehung zwischen Marien und mir, die mich mit dem wunderbarsten Gefühl durchbebte. Der innigsten Wonne mischte sich ein schneidender, stechender Grimm bei, den die Opposition in Marien erzeugte – eine fremde feindliche Kraft widerstrebte meiner Einwirkung und hielt Mariens Geist befangen. Mit ganzer Macht meinen Geist darauf fixierend, wurde ich den Feind gewahr, und in vollem Kampf suchte ich alle Strahlen, die aus Mariens Innern mir zuströmten, wie in einem Brennspiegel aufzufangen. Der alte Maler beachtete mich mehr als die übrigen es taten; er schien die innere Spannung, die Marie in mir hervorgebracht, zu ahnen. Vielleicht war es mein Blick, der mich verriet, denn so zwängt der Körper den Geist ja ein, daß die leiseste seiner Bewegungen in den Nerven oszillierend nach außen wirkt, und die Gesichtszüge – wenigstens den Blick des Auges verändert. Wie ergötzte es mich aber, daß er die Sache so gemein nahm; er sprach unaufhörlich von dem Grafen Hypolit, Mariens Verlobtem Bräutigam, und daß er die bunte Musterkarte von allen seinen Tugenden recht mit Behagen vor mir ausbreitete, diente mir nur dazu, die läppischen Verhältnisse, welche die Menschen in einfältiger kindischer Tätigkeit anknüpfen, im Innersten zu belachen, und mich meiner tiefern Erkenntnis jener Verbindungen, die die Natur knüpft, und der Kraft diese zu hegen und zu pflegen, zu erfreuen. – Marien ganz in mein Selbst zu ziehen, ihre ganze Existenz, ihr Sein so in dem meinigen zu verweben, daß die Trennung davon sie vernichten muß, das war der Gedanke, der, mich hoch beseligend, nur die Erfüllung dessen aussprach, was die Natur wollte. Diese innigste geistige Verbindung mit dem Weibe, im Seligkeitsgefühl jeden andern als den höchsten ausgeschrieenen tierischen Genuß himmelhoch überflügelnd, ziemt dem Priester der Isis, und Du kennst mein System in diesem Punkt, ich darf nichts weiter darüber sagen. Die Natur organisierte das Weib in allen seinen Tendenzen passiv. – Es ist das willige Hingeben, das begierige Auffassen des fremden außerhalb liegenden, das Anerkennen und Verehren des höheren Prinzips, worin das wahrhaft kindliche Gemüt besteht, das nur dem Weibe eigen und das ganz zu beherrschen, ganz in sich aufzunehmen, die höchste Wonne ist. – Von diesen Augenblicken an blieb ich, unerachtet ich mich wieder, wie Du weißt, von dem Gute des Barons entfernte, Marien geistig nah, und welcher Mittel ich mich bediente, insgeheim mich auch körperlich ihr zu nahen, um kräftiger zu wirken, mag ich Dir nicht sagen, da manches sich kleinlich ausnehmen würde, unerachtet es zu dem vorgesetzten Zweck führte. – Maria fiel bald darauf in einen fantastischen Zustand, den Ottmar natürlicherweise für eine Nervenkrankheit halten mußte, und ich kam wieder als Arzt in das Haus, wie ich es vorausgesehen. – Maria erkannte in mir den, der ihr schon oft in der Glorie der beherrschenden Macht als ihr Meister im Traume erschienen, und alles, was sie nur dunkel geahnet, sah sie nun hell und klar mit ihres Geistes Augen. – Nur meines Blicks, meines festen Willens bedurfte es, sie in den sogenannten somnambulen Zustand zu versetzen, der nichts anders war, als das gänzliche Hinaustreten aus sich selbst und das Leben in der höheren Sphäre des Meisters. Es war mein Geist, der sie dann willig aufnahm und ihr die Schwingen gab, dem Kerker, mit dem sie die Menschen überbaut hatten, zu entschweben. Nur in diesem Sein in mir kann Marie fortleben, und sie ist ruhig und glücklich. – Hypolits Bild kann in ihr nur noch in schwachen Umrissen existieren, und auch diese sollen bald in Duft zerfließen. Der Baron und der alte Maler sehen mich mit feindlichen Blicken an, aber es ist herrlich, wie sich auch da die Kraft bewährt, die mir die Natur verliehen. Ein unheimliches Gefühl mag es sein, daß sie widerstrebend doch den Meister erkennen müssen. Du weißt, auf welche wunderbare Weise ich mir einen Schatz geheimer Kenntnisse gesammelt. Nie hast Du das Buch lesen mögen, unerachtet es Dich überrascht haben würde, wie noch in keinem der physikalischen Lehrbücher solche herrliche Kombinationen mancher Naturkräfte und ihrer Wirkung, so wie hier entwickelt sind. Ich verschmähe es nicht, manches sorglich zu bereiten; und kann man es denn Trug nennen, wenn der gaffende Pöbel über etwas erschrickt und staunt, das er mit Recht für wunderbar hält, da die Kenntnis der nächsten Ursache nicht das Wundervolle, sondern nur die Überraschung vernichtet? – Hypolit ist Obrister in . . . en Diensten, mithin im Felde; ich wünsche nicht seinen Tod; er mag zurückkommen, und mein Triumph wird herrlicher sein, denn der Sieg ist gewiß. Sollte sich der Gegner kräftiger zeigen als ich es gedacht, so wirst Du mir im Gefühl meiner Kraft zutrauen, daß etc. – –
Das einsame Schloß

Das Gewitter war vorüber, und in rotem Feuer brennend brach die sinkende Sonne durch die finsteren Wolken, die schnell fliehend in den tiefen Gründen verdampften. Der Abendwind rührte seine Fittige, und wie in schwellenden Wogen strömten die Wohlgerüche, die aus Bäumen, Blumen, Grasern emporstiegen, durch die warme Luft. Als ich aus dem Walde trat, lag das freundliche Dorf, dessen Nähe mir der Postillion verheißen, dicht vor mir im blumigen Wiesengrunde, und hoch hervor ragten die gotischen Türme des Schlosses, dessen Fenster im Schein der Sonne glühten, als wollten innere Flammen hervorbrechen. Glockengeläute und geistlicher Gesang tönten

zu mir herüber; in der Ferne sah ich einen feierlichen Leichenzug auf der Straße von dem Schlosse her nach dem Kirchhofe wallen; als ich endlich ankam, war der Gesang verstummt; man hatte nach der dortigen Sitte den Sarg geöffnet, vor dem Grabe niedergesetzt, und der Pfarrer hielt den Leichen-Sermon Sie waren im Begriff den Deckel auf den Sarg zu heben, als ich hinzutrat und den Toten erblickte. Es war ein hochbejahrter Mann, der mit heiterm Gesicht unentstellt dalag, als schlummerte er sanft und friedlich. Der alte Bauer sagte tief gerührt: „Sieh, wie unser alter Franz so schön daliegt; Gott schenke mir ein so frommes Ende – ja! – selig sind, die in dem Herrn entschlafen.“ – Mir war es, als sei dies die rechte Totenfeier für den frommen Entschlafenen, und des Bauers einfache Worte die herrlichste Leichenrede. – Sie senkten den Sarg hinab, und als nun die Erdschollen mit dumpfem Klang hinabfielen, ergriff mich die bitterste Wehmut, als läge der Herzensfreund in der toten kalten Erde. – Eben wollte ich den Berg hinaufsteigen, auf dem das Schloß lag, als mir der Pfarrer entgegentrat, bei dem ich mich nach dem Toten, den man eben zu Grabe getragen, erkundigte. Der alte Maler Franz Bickert, der seit drei Jahren allein in dem verödeten Schloß gewohnt und den Kastellan gemacht hatte, war es, den man beerdigt hatte. Ich wünschte in das Schloß zu gehen; der Geistliche hatte bis zur Ankunft des Bevollmächtigten des jetzigen Besitzers die Schlüssel übernommen, und ich trat nicht ohne Schauer in die verödeten weiten Säle, wo sonst fröhliche Menschen gehauset, und worin nun eine Totenstille herrschte. Bickert hatte sich in den letzten drei Jahren, die er wie ein Einsiedler in dem Schlosse zubrachte, auf eine wunderliche Weise mit der Kunst beschäftigt. Ohne alle Hülfe, selbst was die mechanischen Vorrichtungen betrifft, unternahm er es, den ganzen obern Stock, in welchem er selbst ein Zimmer bewohnte, im gotischen Stil auszumalen, und auf den ersten Blick ahnte man in den fantastischen Zusammenstellungen fremdartiger Dinge, wie sie dem Charakter der gotischen Verzierungen eigen, tiefsinnige Allegorien. Sehr oft wiederholt war eine häßliche Teufelsgestalt, die ein schlafendes Mädchen belauscht. – Ich eilte nach Bickerts Zimmer. – Der Lehnstuhl stand noch so abgerückt vom Tische, auf dem eine angefangene Zeichnung lag, als sei Bickert eben von der Arbeit aufgestanden; ein grauer Überrock hing auf der Lehne, und ein kleines graues Mützchen lag neben der Zeichnung. – Es war, als werde im Augenblick der Alte mit dem freundlichen frommen Gesichte, über das selbst die Qual des Todes keine Macht gehabt, hineintreten und den Fremden mit offener Gutherzigkeit in seiner Werkstatt bewillkommen. – Ich eröffnete dem Geistlichen meinen Wunsch, mehrere Tage, ja vielleicht Wochen, im Schlosse zu wohnen. Das schien ihm befremdlich; er äußerte, wie leid es ihm täte, meinen Wunsch nicht erfüllen zu können, da bis zur Ankunft des Bevollmächtigten die gerichtliche Siegelung vorgenommen werden müsse, und kein Fremder im Schlosse wohnen dürfe. „Wie aber“, fuhr ich fort, „wenn ich dieser Bevollmächtigte selbst wäre?“ indem ich ihm die ausgedehnte Vollmacht des Barons von F., als des jetzigen Besitzers, vorwies. Er erstaunte nicht wenig, und überschüttete mich mit Höflichkeitsbezeigungen. Er bot mir Zimmer im Pfarrgebäude an, da mir die Wohnung im öden Schlosse doch wahrscheinlich nicht zusagen werde. Ich lehnte dies ab; ich blieb im Schlosse, und es waren Bickerts nachgelassene Papiere, die mich in den Stunden der Muße auf das anziehendste beschäftigten. – Bald fanden sich ein paar Blätter vor, die in kurzen hingeworfenen Notizen, nach Art eines Tagebuchs, Aufschluß über die Katastrophe gaben, in der ein ganzer Zweig einer bedeutenden Familie unterging. Durch die Zusammenstellung mit einem ziemlich humoristischen Aufsatz: Träume sind Schäume, und den Fragmenten zweier Briefe, die dem Maler auf ganz eigne Weise zu Händen gekommen sein müssen, rundet sich das Ganze.
Aus Bickerts Tagebuch

Hab ich mich denn nicht trotz dem h. Antonius mit dreitausend Teufeln herumgebalgt, und mich ebenso tapfer gehalten? – Sieht man dem Volke keck ins Auge, so verdunstet es von selbst in Staub und Rauch. – Könnte Alban in meiner Seele lesen, so würde er eine förmliche Abbitte und Ehrenerklärung darin finden, daß ich ihm alles Satanische aufgebürdet, was eine allzurege Fantasie mir in grellen Farben dargestellt, zu eigner Buße und Belehrung! – Er ist da! – frisch – gesund – herrlich blühend – Apollos Locken, Jovis hohe Stirn – ein Aug wie Mars, des Götter-Herolds Stellung – ja ganz wie Hamlet den Helden schildert. – Maria ist nicht mehr auf der Erde, sie schwebt im strahlenden Himmel – Hypolit und Maria – welch ein Paar!

Aber trauen kann ich ihm doch nicht – warum verschließt er sich in sein Zimmer ? – warum schleicht er in der Nacht auf den Zehen umher, wie der lauernde Mord? – ich kann ihm nicht trauen! – Zuweilen ist es mir, als müßte ich ihm in möglichster Kürze und Schnelligkeit meinen Stockdegen durch den Leib rennen und nachher höflich sagen: „Pardonnez!“ – Ich kann ihm nicht trauen!

Sonderbares Ereignis! – Als ich meinen Freund, mit dem ich in die Nacht hinein manches vom Herzen zum Herzen gesprochen, über den Korridor in sein Zimmer begleitete, rauschte eine hagere Figur im weißen Schlafrock mit dem Licht in der Hand vorüber. – Der Baron schrie auf: „- Der Major! – Franz! – der Major!“ – Es war unbestritten Alban, und nur die Beleuchtung von unten herauf mochte sein Gesicht, welches alt und häßlich schien, verzerren. – Er kam von der Seite, wie aus Mariens Zimmern. Der Baron bestand darauf, zu ihr zu gehen. Sie schlief ruhig, wie ein frommer Engel Gottes. – Morgen ist endlich der lang ersehnte Tag! – Glücklicher Hypolit! – Aber jene Erscheinung erfüllt mich mit Grausen, unerachtet ich mich zu überzeugen bemühe, daß es Alban war. – Sollte der feindliche Dämon, der sich dem Baron schon in früher Jugend verkündete, nun wie ein über ihn waltendes böses Prinzip wieder sichtbarlich, und das Gute entzweiend ins Leben treten? Doch weg mit den finstern Ahnungen! – Überzeuge dich, Franz! daß das häßliche träumerische Zeug oft das Erzeugnis des verdorbenen Magens ist. – Sollte man nicht Diavolinis verschlucken, um sich gegen die Unbill böser Träume zu verwahren ?

Gerechter Gott! – Sie ist hin – hin! – Ew. Hochgeboren soll ich melden, wie es mit dem Tode der holdseligen Baronesse Marie zugegangen, des Familien-Archivs wegen – ich habe durchaus wenig Sinn für diplomatische Geschäfte. – Hätte mir Gott nicht das bißchen Faust verliehen des Malens halber! – Aber so viel ist gewiß, daß sie in dem Augenblick, als Hypolit sie vor dem Altar in seine Arme schließen wollte, tot – tot – tot niedersank – das übrige empfehle ich der Gerechtigkeit Gottes.

Ja, Du warst es! – Alban – hämischer Satan! – Du hast sie gemordet mit höllischen Künsten; welcher Gott hat es Hypolit offenbart! – Du bist entflohen, aber flieh nur – verbirg Dich im Mittelpunkt der Erde, die Rache wird Dich auffinden und zermalmen.

Nein, ich kann Dich nicht entschuldigen, Ottmar! – Du warst es, der sich von dem Satan verlocken ließ, von Dir fordert Hypolit die Geliebte seiner Seele! – Sie haben heute zu harte Worte gewechselt, der Zweikampf ist unvermeidlich.

Hypolit ist geblieben! – Wohl ihm! er sieht sie wieder. – Unglücklicher Ottmar! – Unglücklicher Vater!

Exeunt omnes! – Friede und ewige Ruhe den Verstorbenen! – Heute am neunten September in der Mitternachtsstunde starb mein Freund in meinen Armen! – Wie bin ich doch so wunderbar getröstet, da ich weiß, daß ich ihn bald wiedersehe. – Die Nachricht, daß Ottmar auf erhabene Weise gebüßt, durch den Heldentod in der Schlacht, zerschnitt den letzten Faden, der den Geist noch an das Irdische knüpfte. – Hier im Schlosse will ich bleiben, in den Zimmern will ich wandeln, wo sie lebten und mich liebten. – Oft werd ich ihre Stimme hören – manches freundliche Wort der holdseligen frommen Maria, mancher gemütliche Scherz des unwandelbaren Freundes, wird wie ein Geisterruf widerhallen und mich aufrecht und stark erhalten, des Lebens Bürde leicht zu tragen. – Es gibt für mich keine Gegenwart mehr, nur der Vergangenheit glückliche Tage schließen sich an das ferne Jenseits, das mich oft in wunderbaren Träumen mit lieblichem Schimmer, aus dem die geliebten Freunde lächelnd mir zuwinken, umfängt. – Wann! – wann werde ich zu euch hinüberwallen?

Und er ist hinüber!

A recommended Analysis of “Der Magnetiseur”

can be found here :

Click to access schweizer_hoffmann_magnetiseur.pdf

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A World,s Heritage Of Native Music

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משה װאַינבערג

Моисей Самуилович Вайнбер
Light in the Dark

The Music of
Mieczyslaw Vainberg

Mieczysław Weinberg (Moisei Vainberg)

A Poet’s Creed

हिन्दुस्तानी शास्त्रीय संगीत

Rag Chandraneel

Pannalal Ghosh -The Seventh Hole of Madhyama

The Gharanas of India

The Gharana Of Maihar

The Gharana Of Maihar

In The Half Shadow of The Dove – Lectured rAgams For The Early Evening

The Ragas Of Carnatic Music

Der Magnetiseur

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Categories

A World,s Heritage Of Native Music

Tag Archives: cytopicus

Моисей Самуилович Вайнбер Light in the Dark

The Music of Mieczyslaw Vainberg

Mieczysław Weinberg (Moisei Vainberg)

The Gharana Of Maihar

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Categories

Моисей Самуилович Вайнбер
Light in the Dark

The Music of
Mieczyslaw Vainberg